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Post by Steve on Sept 3, 2013 4:47:06 GMT
Welcome to Dixieland: Chapter 1-Origins of the Division.
Excerpts here are from “North VS. South: A Rivalry for the Ages.”, by John Rickman, 1st Edition.
(c) 1962, Carradine Books, Fremont, California, U.S. All rights reserved.
Foreword.
It's been said by many, that both the Union and the Confederacy, were once of the same house but have grown far, far apart from one another as they aged; two cousins never again to be reconciled, until, perhaps, one has, or even both have, lost it all. The very root of the division ultimately has its roots in slavery, but also economic and cultural issues as well, and both of the latter which tie into the former.
In 1827, Andrew Jackson, the ambitious Tennessee politico best remembered in this day and age for his War of 1812 exploits, made a run for the highest office in the United States. The following year's election was a rather tough one; although Jackson had fought hard for the position, he ultimately lost to John Q. Adams by about 40,000 votes. Although it was a fair fight, there were many who suspected, particularly in the South, that Adams had, in fact, engaged in dirty tricks to get to the White House.
In any case, Adams' second term was largely uneventful, except for the fact that, in 1830, he helped organize the new Whig Party and became its leader. That move, unfortunately, had an unintended side effect: It effectively destroyed the National Republicans as an entity, and gave the South some more leeway to elect a President more favorable to their interests.....
….but it didn't last. 1836 came and went, but with a new President: Martin Van Buren, of New York. Unfortunately, his predecessor's Jacksonian policies had done some real damage to the economy, and it was just beginning to show right around the time he took office. Van Buren tried to lessen the damage to the national economy, but he proved to be an ineffectual leader. After declining a run for a second term in 1840, he then left the candidacy to George M. Dallas, then Secretary of the Navy.....
Unfortunately for the Democrats, George Dallas lost to Henry Clay by a fairly sizable margin, with Clay winning about 220 electoral votes. And Clay came into office hoping to make his mark on American history.....
Clay, however, was faced with a terrible dilemma: Stay loyal to Southern interests, or try to appease the alienated Yankees.....
And there was one last issue that pushed the proverbial boulder right over the edge of the abyss.
In 1842, the recession brought on by the Panic of 1837 had taken a double dip, and as a result, the North's economy began to hurt again. Right around Thanksgiving of the previous year, a New York congressman by the name of William Jay crafted a radical new bill, the Jay-Birney Act, which was supposed to save the U.S. economy; this piece of legislation would have not only provided some protection for American businesses, but also raised tariffs on most foreign goods to an average of 47%, amongst other things.
There was just one problem, however: it came with the price of causing some short-term discomfort to Southern ports & plantations. And many in South Carolina, in particular, had been severely opposed to the “Jackson Plan” a decade earlier, and when news of the bill's creation made its way to that state in June, several protests soon began to occur in Charleston, Columbia, and a few other towns; this soon spread to cities like Savannah, Georgia, Wilmington, N.C., Norfolk, Va., and Mobile, Ala. The furor died down in August, but discontent simmered for a long while afterwards, especially in Georgia and South Carolina where the biggest opposition to the legislation had been present. And it would soon explode all over again.....
On August 7, 1844, the Jay-Birney Act was signed into law by President Clay. The bill almost immediately began to help salvage the Northern economy, and there were even many Democrats who praised Clay's actions. But when the news of the bill's success reached the South, several places across the South erupted in angered protest and opposition and rioting occurred in Savannah and Charleston that took two days to extinguish, with the help of Federal troops at that. But it was far from over; the South retaliated later that year by denying Clay all but Missouri and his home state of Kentucky in the race against Franklin Pierce. Ironically, however, it was these two same states that gave Clay the victory he needed; the White House was his again. Clay, however, was increasingly strained by the ever-rising anger of those south of the Mason-Dixon line, and though he tried to throw some bones to appease the South, the damage was done.....
In the end, Clay's efforts, though valiant, ultimately came to naught. His victory in the 1844 elections had come with a truly hefty price; by cutting so many deals with the Yankees, he had essentially left the most of the South to hang out drying(or so Southerners tended to believe, in any event), as it were. Increasingly loud cries for secession became more and more common over the next couple of years, as Clay proceeded to abandon the South to it's own devices, having given up hope....
The first official call for secession came in April, 1847, when the State Congress of Mississippi issued a resolution favoring what was essentially a total separation from the United States, mainly invoking tariffs, of all things(though it is noted that slavery did play a secondary role in this particular ordinance)...
A Declaration of the Immediate Causes which Induce and Justify the Secession of the State of Mississippi from the Federal Union.
“In which we, the People and Government of the State of Mississippi, hereby and solemnly declare our dissolution of this State's connection to the Federal Government of which we formed a valued part for three decades, but can no longer, the reasons for which shall be extrapolated in this Document.
Our position, above all, is most thoroughly identified with the unjust and unconstitutional policies of excess taxation which have plagued our State and the South as a whole, for the better part of a decade. These policies have not only harmed our State, and our fellow States, but have been used as weapons, against the South as a whole, by the North, including as a tool for forcing the abolition of slavery. There was no choice left us but to officiate our departure from the Union, whose principles had been subverted to work out our ruin.
That we do not overstate the dangers of this perfidious conspiracy, a reference to a few facts will sufficiently prove.
The hostility to Southern interests commenced before the adoption of the Constitution, and was manifested in the well-known Ordinance of 1787, in regard to the Northwestern Territory.
The same hostility deprived the South of more than half of the vast territory acquired from France, in 1819-20.
The feeling increased throughout the Eighteen Twenties, first culminating in the attempt by John Q. Adams to impose excessive tariffs on the Southern States in 1832, threatening our way of life.
More recently, the same hostilities have lead to the dismemberment of the Republic of Texas, the aiding and abetting of the vile actions of the perfidious rulers of California, and the denial of slavery in all other Territories acquired from Mexico.
It has now been used to further the causes of abolitionism in Mississippi, and other southern States, and furthering the fomentation of discord and insurrection in our midst, as well as the freeing of Negro slaves from their bondage.
It has been used for the advocation of the forcing of so-called equality, both politically and socially, of the same, while trampling upon the rights of southern Anglo-Saxon Whites.
It has led to the nullification of the Fugitive Slave Law in nearly every free State in the Union, and has utterly broken the compact which our fathers pledged their faith to maintain.
It has led to the formations of associations to force further unjust taxations on southern States as well as the forced abolition of slavery where it exists.
It has led to the northern press to inflame the population of those States with prejudice against the people of Mississippi and certain other States.
It has given indubitable evidence of its design to ruin our Economy, to prostrate our industrial pursuits, and to ruin our agriculture, which in turn, would lead to the destruction of our social system.
It knows no relenting, no compromise, or hesitation in any of its purposes, and stops not in its march of aggression.
It has begun to seize control, slowly but surely, of the Government, by the prosecution of its nefarious schemes, and destroyed any expectations of living together in friendship and brotherhood.
Utter social and economic subjugation awaits us in the Union, if we should consent longer to remain in it. It is not a matter of choice, but of necessity. We must either submit to degradation, and not only to the domination of the north over the south and the destruction of our culture, as well as even the loss of as much as four billions of Dollars worth of property, or secede from the Union framed by our fathers
to secure our future as well as our property.
For far less cause than this, our forefathers separated from the Crown of England. Our decision is made. We follow their footsteps. We embrace the alternative of separation, and for the reasons here stated, we resolve to maintain our rights with full consciousness of the justice of our course, and the undoubting belief of our ability to maintain it.”
On August 21st, 1847, the secession was made official, stirring waves of disbelief and discontent across much of the U.S., even in some areas of the South itself, such as east Tennessee as well as many the primarily Franco-American districts of southern Louisiana. But it was when Alabama followed at the end of the month, with its own ordinance of secession, that the movement to build a whole new Southern nation was truly born; it was in Montgomery where the first draft of the new Confederate Constitution was drawn up and worked on, and later presented in December, 1847; by that time, South Carolina & Georgia had followed, and secession battles raged on in Florida, Tennessee, and Louisiana between the sides....
Mississippi became the first state to adopt the new Constitution on February 16, 1848, with South Carolina following on April 7th, and the rump Tallahassee-based government of upper Florida on May 3rd. Alabama, however, had waited until June to do so, primarily over small concerns, but on the 6th of that month, shortly after 9 o'clock in the morning, Governor Reuben Chapman signed the edict that officially separated Alabama from the United States.....
By November, 1848, things had finally come to a head, as the governors of Tennessee and North Carolina reluctantly gave into the secessionists' demands, and by January, 1849, both states had themselves signed the Montgomery Constitution, with the state of Louisiana falling in July, it's state militia forces worn out, and the resistance broken....
President Clay, though striving to keep the Union intact, faced an increasingly divided America. On one side, you had people concerned about slavery being divided into two distinct camps; those who desired the South brought back into the fold for fear of slavery's continued existence, and those who argued that the secession actually allowed for an earlier opprotunity to eliminate indenture in the remaining slave states, and that trying to suppress the South would backfire on the aims of abolitionists & Unionists.
The side in which all the others were camped were themselves divided: there were those who argued that the South should be forced back into the Union as a show of solidarity, and then those who argued that it would only serve to worsen the situation, and then some who even suggested that the South should be left alone for the time being, but that annexation could be re-attempted should the Southerners stir up trouble or attempt to invade. And it was this third faction of the non-abolitionists, and the latter of the pro-abolition factions, that won out in the end. Though some fighting had occurred, President Clay felt that he had no choice but to step down and not intervene in the conflict.....
Shortly after the close, but still clear, victory of Stephen A. Douglas in 1848, he officially announced a temporary peace treaty with the new nation, which now began to call itself the Confederate States of America, which was signed in Baltimore, Maryland, in September of 1849. And thus, with this, a new era in geopolitical history of North America, was begun in earnest.
**
Taken from: “The Great Historical Documents of the World, Volume III”. (c) 1976, The International Geopolitical Society, San Francisco, California, U.S.
...The Confederate Constitution, as originally created, was a mixture between the U.S. Constitution, as well as the old Articles of Confederation, particularly in the way that the C.S. Constitution had no Amendments, but rather, Articles in their place, inspired by the latter, and a Preamble rather similar to the former.
Preamble to the Confederate Constitution:
We, the people of these Confederate States, each State acting in its sovereign and independent character, in order to form a permanent federal government, insure domestic tranquility, establish justice, and secure the blessings of freedom and liberty to ourselves and our posterity, do ordain and establish this Constitution of the Confederate States of America.
Section I, Part I.
1. The House of Representatives shall be composed of members chosen every second year by the people of the several states; and the electors in each state shall be citizens of the Confederate States, and have the qualifications requisite for electors of the most numerous branch of the State Legislature; but no person of foreign birth, not a citizen of the Confederate States, shall be allowed to vote for any officer, civil or political, State or Federal.
2. No person shall be a Representative, who shall not have attained the age of twenty-five years, and be a citizen of the Confederate States, and who shall not, when elected, be an inhabitant of that state in which he shall be chosen.
3.
Representatives shall be apportioned among the several states, to be included within this Confederacy, according to their respective numbers, which shall be determined by adding to the whole number of free persons, including those bound to service for a term of years, and excluding Indians not taxed, three-fifths of all slaves. The actual enumeration shall be made within three years after the first meeting of the Congress of the Confederate States, and within every subsequent term of ten years, in such manner as they shall, by law, direct. The number of Representatives shall not exceed one for every fifty thousand, but each state shall have at least one Representative; and until such enumeration shall be made, the state of South Carolina shall be entitled to choose six—the state of Georgia ten—the state of Alabama nine—the state of Mississippi seven—the state of Louisiana six—the state of North Carolina eight, and the state of Tennessee seven.
4. When vacancies happen in the representation from any state, the Executive authority thereof shall issue writs of election to fill such vacancies.
5. The House of Representatives shall choose their speaker and other officers; and shall have the sole power of impeachment; except that any judicial or other federal officer, resident and acting solely within the limits of any state, may be impeached by a vote of two-thirds of both branches of the Legislature thereof.
6. The Senate of the Confederate States shall be composed of two Senators from each state, chosen for four years by the legislature thereof, at the regular session next immediately preceding the commencement of the term of service; and each Senator shall have one vote.
7. Immediately after they shall be assembled, in consequence of the first election, they shall be divided as equally as may be into two classes. The seats of the Senators of the first class shall be vacated at the expiration of the second year, and of the second class at the expiration of the fourth year; so that one-half may be chosen every second year; and if vacancies happen by resignation, or otherwise, during the recess of the legislature of any state, the executive thereof may make temporary appointments until the next meeting of the legislature, which shall then fill such vacancies.
8. No person shall be a Senator who shall not have attained the age of thirty years, and be a citizen of the Confederate States; and who shall not, when elected, be an inhabitant of the state for which he shall be chosen.
Section I, Part II.
1. The Vice-President of the Confederate States shall be President of the Senate, but shall have no vote, unless they be equally divided.
2. The Senate shall choose their other officers; and also a President pro tempore in the absence of the Vice President, or when he shall exercise the office of President of the Confederate States, until a new Vice President is chosen to succeed him.
3. The Senate shall have the sole power to try all impeachments. When sitting for that purpose, they shall be on oath or affirmation. When the President of the Confederate States is tried, the Chief Justice shall preside; and no person shall be convicted without the concurrence of two-thirds of the members present.
4. Judgment in cases of impeachment shall not extend further than to removal from office, and disqualification to hold any office of honor, trust or profit, under the Confederate States; but the party convicted shall, nevertheless, be liable and subject to indictment, trial, judgment and punishment according to law.
5. The times, places and manner of holding elections for Senators and Representatives, shall be prescribed in each state by the legislature thereof, subject to the provisions of this Constitution; but the Congress may, at any time, by law, make or alter such regulations, except as to the times and places of choosing Senators.
6. The Congress shall assemble at least once in every year; and such meeting shall be on the first Monday in September, unless they shall, by law, appoint a different day.
7. Each House shall be the judge of the elections, returns, and qualifications of its own members, and a majority of each shall constitute a quorum to do business; but a smaller number may adjourn from day to day, and may be authorized to compel the attendance of absent members, in such manner and under such penalties as each House may provide.
8. Each House may determine the rules of its proceedings, punish its members for disorderly behavior, and, with the concurrence of two-thirds of the whole number, expel a member.
9. Each House shall keep a journal of its proceedings, and from time to time publish the same, excepting such parts as may in their judgment require secresy; and the yeas and nays of the members of either House, on any question, shall, at the desire of one-fifth of those present, be entered on the journal.
10. Neither House, during the session of Congress, shall, without the consent of the other, adjourn for more than two weeks, nor to any other place than that in which the two Houses shall be sitting.
11. The Senators and Representatives shall receive a compensation for their services, to be ascertained by law, and paid out of the treasury of the Confederate States. They shall, in all cases, except treason, felony, and breach of the peace, be privileged from arrest during their attendance at the session of their respective Houses, and in going to and returning from the same; and for any speech or debate in either House, they shall not be questioned in any other place.
12. No Senator or Representative shall, during the time for which he was elected, be appointed to any civil office under the authority of the Confederate States, which shall have been created, or the emoluments whereof shall have been increased during such time; and no person holding any office under the Confederate States shall be a member of either House during his continuance in office. But Congress may, by law, grant to the principal officer in each of the Executive Departments a seat upon the floor of either House, with the privilege of discussing any measures appertaining to his department.
13. All bills for raising revenue shall originate in the House of Representatives; but the Senate may propose or concur with amendments as on other bills.
14. Every bill which shall have passed both Houses, shall, before it becomes a law, be presented to the President of the Confederate States; if he approve, he shall sign it; but if not, he shall return it with his objections to that House in which it shall have originated, who shall enter the objections at large on their journal, and proceed to reconsider it. If, after such reconsideration, two-thirds of that House shall agree to pass the bill, it shall be sent, together with the objections, to the other House, by which it shall likewise be reconsidered, and if approved by two-thirds of that House, it shall become a law. But in all such cases, the votes of both Houses shall be determined by yeas and nays, and the names of the persons voting for and against the bill shall be entered on the journal of each House respectively. If any bill shall not be returned by the President within ten days (Sundays excepted) after it shall have been presented to him, the same shall be a law, in like manner as if he had signed it, unless the Congress, by their adjournment, prevent its return; in which case it shall not be a law. The President may approve any appropriation and disapprove any other appropriation in the same bill. In such case he shall, in signing the bill, designate the appropriations disapproved; and shall return a copy of such appropriations, with his objections, to the House in which the bill shall have originated; and the same proceedings shall then be had as in case of other bills disapproved by the President.
15. Every order, resolution, or vote, to which the concurrence of both Houses may be necessary (except on a question of adjournment) shall be presented to the President of the Confederate States; and before the same shall take effect, shall be approved by him; or being disapproved by him, shall be re-passed by two-thirds of both Houses according to the rules and limitations prescribed in case of a bill.
Section II-Powers Hereby Granted to the Confederate States Congress.
1. To lay and collect taxes, duties, imposts, and excises, for revenue necessary to pay the debts, provide for the common defence, and carry on the government of the Confederate States; but no bounties shall be granted from the treasury; nor shall any duties or taxes on importations from foreign nations be laid to promote or foster any branch of industry; and all duties, imposts, and excises shall be uniform throughout the Confederate States:
2. To borrow money on the credit of the Confederate States:
3. To regulate commerce, including the trading of Negro slaves, with foreign nations, and among the several States, and with the Indian tribes; but neither this, nor any other clause contained in the constitution, shall ever be construed to delegate the power to Congress to appropriate money for any internal improvement intended to facilitate commerce; except for the purpose of furnishing lights, beacons, and buoys, and other aids to navigation upon the coasts, and the improvement of harbors and the removing of obstructions in river navigation, in all which cases, such duties shall be laid on the navigation facilitated thereby, as may be necessary to pay the costs and expenses thereof:
4. To establish uniform laws of naturalization, and uniform laws on the subject of bankruptcies, throughout the Confederate States; but no law of Congress shall discharge any debt contracted before the passage of the same:
5. To coin money, regulate the value thereof and of foreign coin, and fix the standard of weights and measures:
6. To provide for the punishment of counterfeiting the securities and current coin of the Confederate States:
7. To establish postoffices and post routes; but the expenses of the Postoffice Department, after the first day of April in the year of our Lord Eighteen Hundred and Fifty-Two, shall be paid out of its own revenues:
8. To promote the progress of science and useful arts, by securing for limited times to authors and inventors the exclusive right to their respective writings and discoveries:
9. To constitute tribunals inferior to the Supreme Court:
10. To define and punish piracies and felonies committed on the high seas, and offences against the law of nations:
11. To declare war, grant letters of marque and reprisal, and make rules concerning captures on land and water:
12. To raise and support armies; but no appropriation of money to that use shall be for a longer term than two years, without the approval of two-thirds of both Houses:
13. To provide and maintain a navy:
14. To make rules for the government and regulation of the land and naval forces:
15. To provide for calling forth the militia to execute the laws of the Confederate States, suppress insurrections, and repel invasions:
16. To provide for organizing, arming, and disciplining the militia, and for governing such part of them as may be employed in the service of the Confederate States; reserving to the States, respectively, the appointment of the officers, and the authority of training the militia according to the discipline prescribed by Congress:
17. To exercise exclusive legislation, in all cases whatsoever, over such district (not exceeding ten miles square) as may, by cession of one or more States and the acceptance of Congress, become the seat of the Government of the Confederate States; and to exercise like authority over all places purchased by the consent of the legislature of the State in which the same shall be, for the erection of forts, magazines, arsenals, dockyards, and other needful buildings; and
18. To make all laws which shall be necessary and proper for carrying into execution the foregoing powers, and all other powers vested by this Constitution in the government of the Confederate States, or in any department or officer thereof.
Section III-Powers That Are Denied Congress.
1. The importation of Negroes from Africa, and from any other nations than Spain and her colonies, Brazil, Portugal and her colonies, and the remainder of slaveholding States or Territories of the United States of America, is hereby forbidden, unless otherwise noted; and Congress is required to pass such laws as shall effectually prevent the same.
2. Congress shall not have the power to prohibit the introduction of slaves from any State not a member of, or Territory not belonging to, this Confederacy, unless said Negroes were introduced unlawfully.
3. The privilege of the writ of habeas corpus shall not be suspended, unless when in cases of rebellion or invasion the public safety may require it.
4. No bill of attainder, ex post facto law, or federal law denying or impairing the right of property in negro slaves shall be passed without the consent of three-quarters of the states and the executive branch.
5. No capitation or other direct tax shall be laid, unless in proportion to the census or enumeration hereinbefore directed to be taken.
6. No tax or duty shall be laid on articles exported from any State, or any foreign nation, except by a vote of two-thirds of both Houses.
7. No preference shall be given by any regulation of commerce or revenue to the ports of one Confederated State over those of another.
8. No money shall be drawn from the treasury, but in consequence of appropriations made by law; and a regular statement and account of the receipts and expenditures of all public money shall be published from time to time.
9. Congress shall appropriate no money from the treasury except by a vote of two-thirds of both Houses, taken by yeas and nays, unless it be asked and estimated for by some one of the heads of Department, and submitted to Congress by the President; or for the purpose of paying its own expenses and contingencies; or for the payment of claims against the Confederate States, the justice of which shall have been judicially declared by a tribunal for the investigation of claims against the government, which it is hereby made the duty of Congress to establish.
10. All bills appropriating money shall specify in federal currency the exact amount of each appropriation and the purposes for which it is made; and Congress shall grant no extra compensation to any public contractor, officer, agent or servant, after such contract shall have been made or such service rendered.
11. No title of nobility shall be granted by the Confederate States; and no person holding any office of profit or trust under them, shall, without the consent of the Congress, accept of any present, emolument, office or title of any kind whatever from any king, prince or foreign State.
12. Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of religion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof; or abridging the freedom of speech, or of the press; or the right of the people peaceably to assemble and petition the government for a redress of grievances.
13. A well regulated militia being necessary to the security of a free State, the right of the people to keep and bear arms shall not be infringed.
14. No soldier shall, in time of peace, be quartered in any house without the consent of the owner; nor in time of war, but in a manner to be prescribed by law.
15. The right of the people to be secure in their persons, houses, papers, and effects against unreasonable searches and seizures, shall not be violated; and no warrants shall issue but upon probable cause, supported by oath or affirmation, and particularly describing the place to be searched, and the persons or things to be seized.
16. Every law or resolution having the force of law, shall relate to but one subject, and that shall be expressed in the title.
17. No state shall, without the consent of the Congress, lay any imposts or duties on imports or exports, except what may be absolutely necessary for executing its inspection laws; and the nett produce of all duties and imposts, laid by any State on imports or exports, shall be for the use of the treasury of the Confederate States; and all such laws shall be subject to the revision and control of Congress.
18. No State shall, without the consent of Congress, lay any duty on tonnage, except on sea-going vessels, for the improvement of its rivers and harbors navigated by the said vessels; but such duties shall not conflict with any treaties of the Confederate States with foreign nations; and any surplus revenue, thus derived, shall, after making such improvement, be paid into the common treasury. Nor shall any state keep troops or ships of war in time of peace, enter into any agreement or compact with another state, or with a foreign power, or engage in war, unless actually invaded, or in such imminent danger as will not admit of delay. But when any river divides or flows through two or more States, they may enter into compacts with each other to improve the navigation thereof.
Article III-Powers of the Executive Branch.
1. The executive power shall be vested in a President of the Confederate States of America. He and the Vice President shall hold their offices for the term of six years; but the President shall not be re-eligible. The President and Vice President shall be elected as follows:
2. Each State shall appoint, in such manner as the legislature thereof may direct, a number of electors equal to the whole number of Senators and Representatives to which the State may be entitled in the Congress; but no Senator or Representative, or person holding an office of trust or profit under the Confederate States, shall be appointed an elector.
3. The electors shall meet in their respective States and vote by ballot for President and Vice President, one of whom, at least, shall not be an inhabitant of the same State with themselves; they shall name in their ballots the person voted for as President, and in distinct ballots the person voted for as Vice President, and they shall make distinct lists of all persons voted for as President, and of all persons voted for as Vice President, and of the number of votes for each, which lists they shall sign and certify, and transmit, sealed, to the seat of the government of the Confederate States, directed to the President of the Senate; the President of the Senate shall, in the presence of the Senate and House of Representatives, open all the certificates, and the votes shall then be counted; the person having the greatest number of votes for President shall be the President, if such number be a majority of the whole number of electors appointed; and if no person have such majority, then, from the persons having the highest numbers, not exceeding three, on the list of those voted for as President, the House of Representatives shall choose immediately, by ballot, the President. But in choosing the President the votes shall be taken by states, the representation from each state having one vote; a quorum for this purpose shall consist of a member or members from two-thirds of the states, and a majority of all the states shall be necessary to a choice. And if the House of Representatives shall not choose a President, whenever the right of choice shall devolve upon them, before the fourth day of March next following, then the Vice President shall act as President, as in case of the death, or other constitutional disability of the President.
4. The person having the greatest number of votes as Vice-President shall be the Vice-President, if such number be a majority of the whole number of electors appointed; and if no person have a majority, then, from the two highest numbers on the list the Senate shall choose the Vice-President; a quorum for the purpose shall consist of two-thirds of the whole number of Senators, and a majority of the whole number shall be necessary to a choice.
5. But no person constitutionally ineligible to the office of President shall be eligible to that of Vice-President of the Confederate States.
6. The Congress may determine the time of choosing the electors, and the day on which they shall give their votes; which day shall be the same throughout the Confederate States.
7. No person except a natural-born citizen of the Confederate States, or a citizen thereof, at the time of the adoption of this Constitution, or a citizen thereof born in the United States after the 20th of August, 1847, shall be eligible to the office of President; neither shall any person be eligible to that office who shall not have attained the age of thirty-five years, and been fourteen years a resident within the limits of the Confederate States, as they may exist at the time of his election.
8. In case of the removal of the President from office, or of his death, resignation, or inability to discharge the powers and duties of said office, the same shall devolve on the Vice-President; and the Congress may, by law, provide for the case of removal, death, resignation, or inability both of the President and Vice-President, declaring what officer shall then act as President, and such officer shall act accordingly until the disability be removed or a President shall be elected.
9. The President shall, at stated times, receive for his services a compensation, which shall neither be increased nor diminished during the period for which he shall have been elected; and he shall not receive within that period any other emolument from the Confederate States, or any of them.
10. Before he enters on the execution of his office, he shall take the following oath or affirmation:
"I do solemnly swear (or affirm) that I will faithfully execute the office of President of the Confederate States, and will to the best of my ability, preserve, protect, and defend the constitution thereof."
11. The President shall be commander-in-chief of the army and navy of the Confederate States, and of the militia of the several States, when called into the actual service of the Confederate States; he may require the opinion, in writing, of the principal officer in each of the Executive Departments, upon any subject relating to the duties of their respective offices; and he shall have power to grant reprieves and pardons for offences against the Confederate States, except in cases of impeachment.
12. He shall have power, by and with the advice and consent of the Senate, to make treaties, provided two-thirds of the Senators present concur; and he shall nominate, and by and with the advice and consent of the Senate, shall appoint ambassadors, other public ministers and consuls, Judges of the Supreme Court, and all other officers of the Confederate States, whose appointments are not herein otherwise provided for, and which shall be established by law; but the Congress may, by law, vest the appointment of such inferior officers, as they think proper, in the President alone, in the courts of law or in the heads of Departments.
13. The principal officer in each of the Executive Departments, and all persons connected with the diplomatic service, may be removed from office at the pleasure of the President. All other civil officers of the Executive Department may be removed at any time by the President, or other appointing power, when their services are unnecessary, or for dishonesty, incapacity, inefficiency, misconduct, or neglect of duty; and when so removed, the removal shall be reported to the Senate, together with the reasons therefor.
14. The President shall have power to fill all vacancies that may happen during the recess of the Senate, by granting commissions which shall expire at the end of their next session; but no person rejected by the Senate shall be re-appointed to the same office during their ensuing recess.
15. The President, Vice President, and all civil officers of the Confederate States, shall be removed from office on impeachment for, and conviction of, treason, bribery, or other high crimes and misdemeanors.
Section IV: The Judicial Branch.
1. The judicial power of the Confederate States shall be vested in one Supreme Court, and in such Inferior Courts as the Congress may from time to time ordain and establish. The judges, both of the Supreme and Inferior Courts, shall hold their offices during good behavior, and shall, at stated times, receive for their services a compensation, which shall not be diminished during their continuance in office.
2. The judicial power shall extend to all cases arising under this Constitution, the laws of the Confederate States, and treaties made or which shall be made under their authority; to all cases affecting ambassadors, other public ministers and consuls; to all cases of admiralty and maritime jurisdiction; to controversies to which the Confederate States shall be a party; to controversies between two or more states; between a state and citizen of another state where the state is plaintiff; between citizens claiming lands under grants of different states; and between a state or the citizens thereof, and foreign states, citizens or subjects; but no state shall be sued by a citizen or subject of any foreign state.
3. In all cases affecting ambassadors, other public ministers, and consuls, and those in which a state shall be a party, the supreme court shall have original jurisdiction. In all the other cases before mentioned, the supreme court shall have appellate jurisdiction, both as to law and fact, with such exceptions, and under such regulations, as the Congress shall make.
4. The trial of all crimes, except in cases of impeachment, shall be by jury, and such trial shall be held in the state where the said crimes shall have been committed; but when not committed within any state, the trial shall be at such place or places as the Congress may by law have directed.
5. Treason against the Confederate States shall consist only in, levying war against them, or in adhering to their enemies, giving them aid and comfort. No person shall be convicted of treason unless on the testimony of two witnesses to the same overt act or on confession in open court.
6. The Congress shall have power to declare the punishment of treason, but no attainder of treason shall work corruption of blood, or forfeiture, except during the life of the person attainted.
Article V: Rights Granted to the People of the Individual States.
1. The citizens of each state shall be entitled to all the privileges and immunities of citizens in the several states, and shall have the right of transit and sojourn in any state of this Confederacy, with their slaves and other property: and the right of holding property in said slaves shall not be thereby impaired.
2. A citizen charged in any state with treason, felony, or other crime against the laws of such state, who shall flee from justice, and be found in another state, shall, on demand of the Executive authority of the state from which he fled, be delivered up, to be removed to the state having jurisdiction of the crime.
3. No slave or other person held to service or labor in any state or territory of the Confederate States, under the laws thereof, escaping or unlawfully carried into another, shall, in consequence of any law or regulation therein, be discharged from such service or labor: but shall be delivered up on claim of the party to whom such slave belongs, or to whom such service or labor may be due. Any slave whom commits a felony in any state in which they do not reside shall be tried and imprisoned in the state in which the crime was commissioned, with the consent of their owner and the government of the state in which he resided, or shall otherwise be delivered to the state of their owner's residence.
4. The Congress shall have power to dispose of and make all needful rules and regulations concerning the property of the Confederate States, including the lands thereof.
5. The Confederate States may acquire new territory; and Congress shall have power to legislate and provide governments for the inhabitants of all territory belonging to the Confederate States, lying without the limits of the several states; and may permit them, at such times, and in such manner as it may by law provide, to form states to be admitted into the Confederacy. In all such territory, the institution of negro slavery as it now exists in the Confederate States, shall be recognized and protected by Congress, and by the territorial government: and the inhabitants of the several Confederate States and Territories, shall have the right to take to such territory any slaves lawfully held by them in any of the states or territories of the Confederate states.
6. The Confederate States shall guaranty to every state that now is or hereafter may become a member of this Confederacy, a republican form of government, and shall protect each of them against invasion; and on application of the legislature (or of the Executive when the legislature is not in session) against domestic unrest and unlawful insurrection.
7. Upon the demand of any three states, legally assembled in their several conventions, the Congress shall summon a convention of all the states, to take into consideration such amendments to the Constitution as the said states shall concur in suggesting at the time when the said demand is made; and should any of the proposed amendments to the Constitution be agreed on by the said convention—voting by states—and the same be ratified by the legislatures of two-thirds of the several states, or by conventions in two-thirds thereof—as the one or the other mode of ratification may be proposed by the general convention—they shall thenceforward form a part of this Constitution. But no state shall, without its consent or due cause, be deprived, of its equal representation in the Senate.
8. No citizen shall be held to answer for a capital or otherwise infamous crime, unless on a presentment or indictment of a grand jury, except in cases arising in the land or naval forces, or in the militia, when in actual service, in time of war or public danger; nor be compelled, in any criminal case, to be a witness against himself; nor be deprived of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law; nor shall private property be taken for public use, without just compensation.
9. In all criminal prosecutions the accused shall enjoy the right to a public trial, by an impartial jury of the State and district wherein the crime shall have been committed, which district shall have been previously ascertained by law, and to be informed of the nature and cause of the accusation; to be confronted with the witnesses against him; to have compulsory process for obtaining witnesses in his favor; and to have the assistance of counsel for his defence.
10. In suits at common law, where the value in controversy shall exceed twenty dollars, the right of trial by jury shall be preserved; and no fact so tried by a jury shall be otherwise re-examined in any court of the Confederacy, than according to the rules of common law.
11. Excessive bail shall not be required, nor excessive fines imposed, nor cruel and unusual punishments inflicted.
Article VI: Rights denied to the States.
1. No State may secede from the Union without the consent of two-thirds of both Houses and the President of the Confederate States.
2. No State shall, without the consent of one-half of Congress, pass any laws that hinder the right of property of Negro slaves within its own territory.
3. No State shall enter into any treaty, alliance, or confederation against another State; grant letters of marque and reprisal; make anything but gold and silver coin a tender in payment of debts; pass any bill of attainder, or ex post facto law, or law impairing the obligation of contracts; or grant any title of nobility.
4. No State shall shelter those who are fugitives from justice in another State, regardless of whether they are slave or free.
Article VII: Foreign Nationals.
1. No resident alien may reside in the Confederacy for a period exceeding 10 years before they must become a citizen.
2. Foreign nationals convicted of any crime may be given a trial by jury, as would a citizen, but serious crimes, such as homicide, adultery, or the assistance in the efforts of a slave, or slaves, to escape their servitude, may result in deportation, or prison without trial not to exceed a total of 10 years.
3. Free Negroes, and other non-White persons, such as Mexicans, Indians, may be denied residency in any city, town, or village, at the discretion of local authorities with the consent of the State in which they is located.
4. Indians who remain non-taxed, regardless of whether or not they were born in the territory that now comprises the Confederate States of America, shall not be eligible for the vote, the right of free residency, or any other right denied to them according to the State in which they reside.
**
Excerpts here are from “North VS. South: A Rivalry for the Ages.”, by John Rickman, 1st Edition.
(c) 1962, Carradine Books, Fremont, California, U.S. All rights reserved.
In any case, we cannot deny, for one moment, the monumental effect that the secession had on the history of the United States, and indeed, that of all of North America, or even the New World as a whole, from the early days of the C.S.A., to the Wars between the States, the Era of the World Wars, and even the Modern Age which has begun to unfold before our very eyes. Indeed, how many Americans, or people from any other nation, for that matter, can contemplate a world in which the Confederacy hadn't succeeded, or even formed at all? This book intends to chronicle the entire century-plus long journey from start to finish, and hopefully, can provide some educational insight into the way things are today.
-John Rickman.
**
And so, there you have it, folks. The very first real glimpse into the world of “Welcome to Dixieland”.....and it's just gotten started, too.
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Post by Steve on Sept 12, 2013 4:56:17 GMT
And here's the first part of Chapter #1. We take a look at an old man in Louisiana, and memories that he wishes had never been.
**
Welcome to Dixieland #1: Trouble in the Southland.
The Confederate States of America is a rather troubled and increasingly unstable nation in 1969. The reprecussions of the horrific and brutal violence of the Fifties and very early Sixties under Willie Sopwith, and only dying down with the ascension of a certain well-liked former Louisiana governor, are finally starting to make themselves fully apparent, especially within the past couple of years. Terror bombings and shootings, in particular, are starting to become more common, and there is already many a town and city that has been home to firefights of some kind, whether it be between the Jefferson Davis Society and the Scythe of Justice, or the Ku Klux Klan versus Matheson's Own, and scores of people have died. For about two decades now, their northern neighbors have become increasingly concerned about the state of affairs down south, including the increasing amount of significant violence in the country as well as crackdowns by increasingly desperate authorities, even in the western states, not to mention the increasing backlash from those opposed to the reactionaries and their agendas; more and more pro-feminism, anti-war and pro-abolition protests are starting to turn nasty as the divisions begin to become sharper and sharper.
The C.S.A.'s heyday has long passed and has already been in a rather majorly significant decline for 20+ years now, but the worst has yet to come.....and when it does, it may make even the general violence of the Fifties look like a soap opera.....or worse. And there are many who may wish to ask, “How did things get so bad?”
Well, as the story unfolds, you'll see just why and how.
**
[Author's notes: MUCH of the credit for the inspiration behind this goes to Chipperback on AH.com, and his excellent “Winter of Discontent” timeline.]
An Old Man's Memories.
June 9, 1969
Tipton Parish, Louisiana, C.S.A.
Near Valmont, LA, 8:30 a.m., Central Daylight Time.
In a tiny little house in southern Louisiana, a kindly old fellow is sitting on an old Chesterfield sofa, sipping some tea, with a Bible and an autobiography of Thomas Jefferson in his lap. Every morning he wakes up at around 6:00 a.m. and turns in at around 10 o'clock every night. He has a few other books, but mainly studies the life of Thomas Jefferson as well as reading passages from the Bible every so often. Though nominally Catholic, he hasn't made it to mass in a few years, although mainly thanks to his slowly failing health.
Though well-liked by most of his neighbors, and by many in the next town who know him, the man is aware that he has enemies, some of them in rather high places.....and even a few on the street. And there are those who are afraid to openly associate themselves with him, even if they admire him so. But he is unfazed by this, for he has faced worse than the occasional hoodlum pushing him around or Klansman burning an Arrow Cross on his lawn.
But even so, he is not as truly content as may seem; he remains burdened by the failures of his society, and the longing for what could have been, but what was not to, or perhaps could not, be. And then, there are his own personal memories, some of which he would rather forget.....
[Fair warning, by the way. This does have a fair amount of coarse language, and even a couple of ethnic slurs uttered by less likable characters. Viewer discretion is advised.]
–
July 28, 1947
New Orleans, Louisiana
Josiah Bennett was a man on a lifelong mission. A poet and writer by trade, and native of New Orleans, he was known as the “Grand Troubadour” by many Louisianans, whether in state or ex-pat, for his unique kind of prose and style and praised by many, for his abrasive satire and his willingness to slip in grains of hard truth, some of which could not be allowed for legal printing in some areas. But with fame, fortune, and friends, came enemies, and unfortunately, a fair share of them. His latest work to be published in the New Orleans Society-Tribune, was a rather scathing diatribe against cannabis laws, the hypocrisy of the elite class, and most particularly, the institution of slavery and its effects on labor, the economy, and the people as a whole.
Bennett's business tonight had been at a local Italian restaurant, Taste of Italia, one of the only very few such establishments in the whole country(and mainly catering to foreign tourists at that), with a fellow from New Zealand who had taken some interest in his works. They had just finished their meals and were waiting for their bill, and Callaghan's secretary, Louise.
“So, then,”, said Bennett, “I assume everything's just about in order?”. Things had been looking quite promising for these past couple of weeks for Bennett's prospects; if these last negotiations were successful, not only would it just be New Zealand, which alone would be the first country outside of North America in which he would be published, but the entire Oceanian market would be open to him.
Robert Callaghan nodded in response. “Yes, indeed so. All we need is to straighten out some of the paperwork, tie up a few loose end, and then, you, my friend, are in business.”
“Splendid news, indeed.”, Bennett said, “But as you may know, I don't just write for the money, enjoyment, and the fame. Much of my writing truly does remain dedicated to my life's work as a Libertine and my exposure of wrongdoing and advancement of just & righteous causes.”
“Well, you're certainly in luck, in any case,” replied Callaghan, “as there quite a few people, not just in my country, but in Australia as well, who would be quite receptive to the more, shall we say, political aspects of your work.”
“I would hope so.”, Bennett said. “Because despite all of the followers and admirers that I've garnered over the years, I do seem to have gained quite a few enemies amongst the more, let's say, reactionary segments of Confederate society.” “And,”, he continued, “sometimes it's just not all that hard for me to feel more than a little wary of my surroundings, and whether or not the fellow standing next to me might just be a JDS acolyte ready to put a couple of bullets in my back the moment I turn away, or an Intel fellow setting up an ambush.”
“That is rather unfortunate,” said Callaghan. “If I may be completely honest with you, I truly couldn't envy a man in a position such as yours.”.
“Youy sympathy is much appreciated, Mr. Callaghan,”, replied Bennett, kindly, “but if this goes through and if Pandora Books does take the deal, then it will have opened up a whole new world of possibilities; truth be told, there have been a few people in the United States who've republished my writings from time to time, but they were mostly small outfits, mainly magazine publishers, such as Punchy's in New York, or the Global Enquirer in Los Angeles. But this, this is different. This, is perhaps the biggest break I've ever gotten, and the more places in which my works can be published, the harder it will be for my enemies to silence me, and those like me as well.”
“Certainly, I think you'll find that many in Oceania will be receptive to your works once they learn about them. Spreading the word does take time, but I do believe that it will all pay off in the long run.”
“I would certainly hope so, Mr. Callaghan.”, said Bennett. “And sometimes, literature really can help make the world a better place, even for those who may not realize the truth of the matter.”
Meanwhile, in an alley next to a building across the parking lot, unbeknownst to any others, two men dressed in trench coats were crouched down next to the walls, one of them carrying around what appeared to be an ordinary suitcase and the other, a device that looked like a primitive remote control device.
“You got all the goods, Dan?”, queried the larger fellow, six feet tall and dark-haired.
“That's right, Jeff. The C-2, radiolocator, and the trigger are all set up and ready for use.”, said the shorter man. Dan was a somewhat squattish fellow, about five-six and somewhat rounded. He had dirty blonde hair, which was covered by a Parkinson hat, and was chewing on a tobacco cigar; “Nicaragua's Finest! Made by Benjamin & Sons, Leesville, Nicaragua.”, it said on the label.
“Dammit, I hope so,”, said Jeff. “Because I'd like to just get this whole thing over with. Who were we supposed to take care of again?”
“Fellow named Josiah Bennett. Goddamn so-called poet who thinks of himself as some sorta hero, a messenger for the people. A real Paul fuckin' Revere. Ain't nothing but a goddamn traitor and a candy-ass Commie abolitionist in reality. I'd love to've put a bullet or two in 'im, but it'd give us away, so our buddy back in Atlanta thought it'd be a good idea to try explosives instead.”
“I see.”, said Jeff, nodding slowly. “Are we gonna do this?”, he then asked. “There's barely any traffic around here now, and if we move.....”
“Got it.” said Dan. He then gestured towards a particular black sedan on the curb, its right side facing the restaurant. “There's the car we were looking for.”
“A 1940 Packard.”, Jeff whispered, slightly in amazement. “Either he's rather well-stocked or he's renting it from somebody.”.
“Yeah well, it don't matter now, Jeff.”, said Dan, a tad annoyed at his partner in crime. “We got a job to do and we'd better do it real fast.”.
“Alright, then. You ready?”
“Yep. Now's our chance.”
The two men briskly, yet smoothly walked across the street and made it to the car in just under half a minute.
“Where you gonna put the C-2?” Dan breathed.
“There, in between the driver & passenger seats.”, Jeff replied, while pointing to the spot in question. He then took the materials from Dan and inserted the C-2 onto the spot on the undercarriage that the explosion was to be centered on.
“There,” Jeff said. “hope this works.”
“Well, it'd better. This stuff wasn't damned cheap.”, Dan replied. “Now let's get the hell outta sight.”. The two men then hurried back across the street and made their way to a newspaper stand to wait out the blast.
Meanwhile, a New Orleans Police Department detective was sipping a decaffinated latte on a bench near the two men. When he heard a clunking noise, he stopped for a second. He then turned around and then saw a couple of dark figures walking away from the Packard parked on the curb. He decided to try to keep an eye on the men for a little bit as they moved towards their apparent destination. Feeling rather suspicious, the detective decided to get hold of the Commissioner, whom, luckily, happened to be dining in the Italian restaurant across the street. New Orleans had had some issues with organized crime in recent years and the detective felt the these men might be up to no good, given that the members of several syndicates had a penchant for trenchcoats, and the somewhat strange actions of these two particular men. Eyeing the two, the detective decided to enter the restaurant to warn his boss, but first, he had a call to make.....
Back in the dining room of Taste of Italia, Josiah Bennett and Robert Callaghan were just about to receive their bills. A slender waitress, blonde and about five-foot-eleven, came up to the men and in a slightly Cajun-tinted accent, said to them, “Here's your bill, gentlemen. It was a pleasure servin' y'all tonight.”.
“No problem, ma'am, and thank you, Connie.”, Bennett said, handing out 120 dollars in cash. “Oh, and keep the change.”, he said, half whispering.
“Thank you sir, and have a pleasant night.”, replied the waitress. Connie then went to attend to some of her other customers.
“Such a lovely woman.”, said Bennett.
“And also rather well mannered, if I do say so myself.”, Callaghan replied.
Just then, Callaghan's secretary walked up, just back from her 5 minute trip to the bathroom. “Goodness,”, she said, “That was some of the richest Italian food I've had in some time.”.
“Indeed,” Callaghan replied, “and honestly, the creamed calamari was the most splendid dish I've had in any restaurant in this country, even amongst the great dining establishments of New Orleans. And I've been here over a dozen times in the past 20 years.”
“Shall we be going soon?”, asked Louise.
“Yes, but I've hired a cab and he'll be here in another 15 minutes or so. A friend of Mr. Bennett's will be driving him home in the Packard.”, said Callaghan.
Just then, Bennett decided to start getting out of his seat. “Mr. Callaghan, Mrs. Kelly?”, he said, “I'll be leaving now, as my friend will probably be arriving any minute.” He then turned around one last time and said, “I appreciate your company tonight. I hope we'll be meeting again soon.”
“Thank you, Mr. Bennett.”, said Louise.
“Indeed,”, said Mr. Callaghan, “and may we cross paths again in the near future.”.
“Alright then. Have a pleasant night.”, said Bennett. He then walked straight towards the door, brushing by an official-looking fellow in a black suit.
“Oh dear. Terribly sorry about that, sir.”, said the other man.
“Oh no, it's alright. Good night to you, sir.”, Bennett replied, as he continued walking towards the front door. Just after he got out, he stopped briefly to look at his watch. It was now 9:30, and his friend wasn't there yet. 'Well, it's alright,' he thought as he started walking back towards the Packard, 'I'll just wait for him out here.'
Bennett waited a couple of minutes, and then, his friend showed up. “Joe?”, said the man as he walked up. “Well, Albert! Glad you showed up.”, said Bennett.
“Yeah, took me a while to get outta the cafe.”, said Albert, referring to the place where he'd had dinner. “But here I am now. Hope I didn't keep ya waitin' too long.”
“Nah, we're fine. Let's go.”, said Bennett, with a slight smile. The two men then climbed into the car, with Albert on the driver's side, Bennett on the passenger's side.
“Say, do you smell somethin' funny?”, said Albert. “Like almonds?”
“Yeah, but it's probably nothing.”, said Bennett.
“Well, alright, then,” said Albert. “let's get going.”
Albert then began to turn the ignition.....
Meanwhile, the police detective found his boss and his wife, who had just finished his dinner. “Sir?”, the man queried.
“Detective Hunter. What brought you here?”, asked the Commissioner.
“Sir, I apologize for bothering you on such short notice, but it's urgent. Do you remember that we received some information that one of the local syndicates might be planning some kind of hit this week?”
“Yes, I do now.”, the Commissioner replied. “What of it?”
“Sir, I recently spotted a couple of men that seemed to match the descriptions of some of the men on our Wanted list. I couldn't make out any exact facial features, but one of 'em was short and a little squattish, maybe five-foot-six, and the other fellow was about six feet and more slender; both of 'em were wearing black trenchcoats, like that of the Perez Syndicate. They were hanging around this black car, a Packard, I think, and were acting rather strange, as if they had been plotting something. I didn't follow the men directly, as per department procedure, but I did track them to a newspaper stand down the street.”
“You sure about this?”, asked a now concerned Commissioner.
“I'm not sure if they were with the Perez family, but they were definitely up to something.”
“Oh dear.”, said the Commissioner's wife.
“Did you call it in?”, queried the Commissioner.
“As soon as I could.”, said Detective Hunter. “But something seems amiss. And I have a feeling we'll be hearing from somebody soon, especially if this was a.....” He never got to finish. As soon as the second hand went right between the 9 and the 10, a massive explosion rocked the entire neighborhood, blowing out the front windows of the restaurant, with a horrendous rumble lasting nearly seven whole seconds. The Commissioner's wife and many of the other ladies in attendance screamed.
“God damn!”, the horrified detective uttered, in shock.
“What the hell was that?”, asked the now terribly shaken Commissioner.
Meanwhile, Robert Callaghan had been briefly knocked down by the explosion. “Oh, good God.”, he said, as he was getting back up, “What the bloody blazes just happened?”.
“Oh dear Lord.....oh dear Lord.....” muttered the utterly terrified Louise Kelly.
Callaghan went to comfort his secretary. “It's alright, darling, I think we're okay.” And then he thought, 'But what of Joe Bennett?'. A sudden feeling of dread began to wash over him. “Stay here for a second, Louise, would you, please?”, he said. Mrs. Kelly, still visibly shaken, nodded, and Callaghan turned, being one of the first men out the door. “Josiah?”, he called. And then he spotted the burning wreckage, strewn in all direction. That could only mean one thing. “Oh dear God.”, he whispered. “He's gone. He's dead, just like that.” And then he sank to his knees, truly and terribly stunned on what had just occurred.
Meanwhile, Detective Sergeant Hunter decided to go find the men that he'd watched, suspecting they might have known what had happened...or worse. “I'll be back, Commissioner,” he said, “Gotta see if I can find these two sleazeballs in the Cotter Coats.” Hunter then sprinted towards the newspaper stand, only to see them gone. And then just 10 seconds before he would have arrived, he heard tires screeching in the distance. “Goddammit.”, he said, “I mighta just missed 'em”. But just as he was about to turn back then he saw a woman come running up to him from a little distance away. “Officer? Officer!”, she yelled, in a heavy Cajun accent.
“Yes, ma'am?”, he said.
“I heard zis, zis, 'Boom!', and then I hear zese two men, talking very strange and acting as if they had had done something, and then they jumped in zis red car, and they took off!”
“Did you get the license plate?”
“Partly. Eet was Z-B-Y-C-6...I didn't get zee rest.”
“Alright, thanks ma'am.”, said the detective. He then went to call in the license number of the red car, as well as the black car that had been destroyed.
He then came back to the Commissioner and said, “Sir, I couldn't find the two men, but a witness says they took off in a red sedan. Also, I think we got a plate match on both cars, but I'll tell you about the Packard first. Name's Josiah Bennett, and if I'm not mistaken he's a well-known member of the underground literary scene here in south Louisiana. He's a libertine, too, and an abolitionist to boot. If I didn't know better, I'd say it was a lone maniac who did this, but we might be looking at something bigger.”.
“Oh my God....an abolitionist and a libertine. Detective, I need you to phone the Louisiana Department of Criminal Affairs and see if you can pull up the case files of other known abolitionists or libertines, who've been murdered in the past five years.”, said the Commissioner.
“Will do, sir.”, said the detective, who went off to do his job.
'My God. Yet another dead libertine in this fair city in just six months. I mean, Heaven knows I don't agree with a lot of the stuff these fellows do, but why all this violence against them? They're not all traitors to lawful government or agents of the Yankee FBI, they can't be. And if this is part of a bigger conspiracy, who the hell is doing this?', he thought silently. He then frowned, and then embraced his still tearful wife. 'God have mercy on us all.'
–
The Old Cajun's thoughts drifted again....
“Hello, my fellow Southrons. I'm Francis L. Vermilion, and I'm running for President.....
I'm afraid I will have to be honest: Our country, since those dark days of the Eighteen Eighties, has slipped, slowly but surely, into a terrible malaise of paranoia, overt militarism, and corruption. Look around you, my friends. Every day, reactionary newspapers and radio stations across this country pump out fearmongering and paranoia pieces, truly suited for nothing than use in one's bathroom! We hear of wars and rumors of wars, espionage behind every alley, and the latest plots by Yankee abolitionists and so-called pinkos to destroy this country from within! It's madness.
We've got one of the largest and most powerful militaries in the Western World, but what to show for it, exactly? Our obsession with keeping the Yankees off our backs twenty-four seven has come at a great cost to not just our economy, but our society as well. We've built up an entire class of soldiers and ex-soldiers, while trying to hide our failures at home.
And, on the subject of failure, the megabusiness men and the planters still continue to enjoy ever-soaring profits, while even many ordinary white men and women continue to struggle to earn enough money to even feed their families, let alone pay their bills. And the elite say that their way is the perfect way, that all nations ought to be like ours, ought to emulate us. And yet, what is so perfect, I dare say, about a starving family in Georgia whose children died because their father couldn't afford to feed their family, all because a greedy factory boss decided to maximize his profits with an endless pool of free labor?
Look around the world. Look at what's been happening in the days and months since the end of the last World War. Economies are truly recovering. Technology is reaching staggering heights never before imagined by mankind. People of all walks of life are enjoying the fruits of this new peacetime prosperity. Indeed, the world is changing. And yet, none of the nations with the highest overall prosperity, or advancement, have slavery, or peonage, or have allowed their wealthy to gain so much power as to literally dominate their country. We must free ourselves from the immoral malaise that has swallowed our country. We must look forward, and join the rest of the Western World with due speed.
And unfortunately, my opponent, Tom Francis, sadly does quite well represent the foolhardy attitude of the willfully stubborn elite wishing to hold on to their extreme profits and their status quo, and the stagnation that the forced & artificial propping of Negro slavery and cultural authoritarianism has brought to us over these past sixty years.
I would like to seek a future in which the idea of states' rights, and optimal individual freedom could indeed become a undeniable reality in the Confederacy. A Confederacy that truly is moral, upstanding, and even Godly. One in which all citizens have the opportunity to achieve a truly sufficient standard of living, and in which there is no need to fear the government. One in which the government respects its lawful boundaries, and doesn't bend the rules, as it were, to fulfill agendas, of any sort. But we cannot achieve this alone. We, the Confederalist Party, need you, the people, the voting citizens, to stand behind us, to support us. For together, we can build a better and brighter nation.
And that, ladies and gentlemen, is why I have chosen to run for President.”
August 7th, 1948.
“It's been said by so many, that our country, the Confederate States of America, was founded on the noble principles of States' Rights, freedom from excessive taxation, and the limiting & checking of government regulation of, and intrusion on, our civil and economic liberties, and surely, it can be said that any Senator, or Congressman, or Governor would be quite likely to know their hometown or state better, and truly better, than your average Lee Street bureaucrat. So why do the planters, and certain of the business barons seem to eager to have Jackson City poke their noses into every little old thing federally? Well, I say they shouldn't, and ought not to even try. And, if you, the people, elect me as your President, I will strive to rebuild our integrity and steer our nation back towards a righteous course, no matter the personal cost to myself.
Now there are those who may be skeptical, I'm sure. There will be those who feel that certain of our policies in regards to economic & social matters will feel that they are too radical, or that we'd lose our culture and our mores and turn into just another Yankee U.S.A. But allow me to inform the misguided amongst the old guard and the patriots, that I do not endeavor to sacrifice Southern culture on the altar of false modernity, or to make us a total economic vassal of the rest of the West. No, I merely am advocating for a gradual betterment of our nation, so we can show the world, including our Yankee neighbors, that yes, we can indeed make the C.S.A. a great industrial power, without sacrificing poor and middle class Whites. . That we can provide better welfare, for all of our citizens. And that we can indeed join the rest of the West, and share in the fruits of Western ingenuity. Our plan will work, if given the chance; it will be better for all those men and women living in this country. All of us. Thank you.”
“Vermilion, you goddamn fuckin' n***er-loving, abolitionist ass-kissing race traitor! Fuckin' die you sonuvabitch!”
--Crack!-- --Crack!--
Two rifle shots quickly echoed throughout the area. The candidate slumped over, both bullets hitting their marks. Several policemen fired, but missed. A few bystanders managed to tackle the man before he could escape. Meanwhile, Andre LaVergne, Vermilion's running mate, rushed over to his dying colleague. Vermilion tried to speak.
“I'm....I'm sorry..., Andre. Tell....Tell....my wife Annette, that....I love herrr......”
“I....I will.”, said LaVergne.
“Thank yooooouuuuu......”, Vermilion replied, gasping out his last words.
LaVergne got up, and was just in time to see a couple of spare policemen bringing the now handcuffed perpetrator down the stadium steps. He looked into the man's eyes.....and something seemed not too right with him. But in any case, the man was soon escorted to a waiting automobile and LaVergne now faced the daunting task of leading his party thru this year's elections.....
November 4th, 1948.
“Good evening, ladies and gentlemen, this is Joseph Harding with the Confederate Broadcasting Network. It is now 7 o'clock, Eastern, 6 o'clock central, and 5 o'clock in the Western states. At this hour, it appears that Dixiecrats have been running neck and neck with the Confederalists, with no clear signs of letting up. The race now apparently rests in the hands of Jackson voters, and whoever wins the state has a clear shot at winning the race.”
“The Turner Broadcasting System's Election Report, as of 9:00 Central Time, shows that the state of Jackson has been won by the Dixiecrats, and with that, the Yellow House now passes on to Tom Francis. While there have been claims of voting irregularities, we stress that none of these claims have been verified and are likely the product of malicious entities.....”
“This is Jimmie Hoskins for the Dixieland Broadcasting Company....we have been receiving a growing number of reports of possible vote theft and other types of election fraud in many districts of Jackson, Georgia, Mississippi, and South Carolina...According to our number, Confederalist nominee Andre LaVergne had had a substantial lead in Jackson, as much as 55%, in fact, and so we are trying to check out the discrepancies, and we'll give you live updates as they occur. LaVergne, this year's placeholder candidate after the unexpected death of Francis Vermilion this August, is running on a platform of truly unprecented fundamental economic and societal change, and was particularly well received by a majority of those who had been supporters of the late mister Vermilion.”
“We here at the True Christian Media Network proudly welcome our fairly, and righteously elected new President, Thomas Elwood Francis. The righteousness fervor and Godly morals of this man, and those like him, shall hopefully ensure this nation's survival as a beacon of Christianity, White Anglo-Saxon Christianity above all, for many years to come. God bless the Confederate States of America.”
November 9th, 1948.
“This is Robert Jackson with the Mutual Broadcasting Company in New York. Scores of militia and police stations, F.C.I.S. offices, Baptist League churches, and plantations were bombed across the Confederacy this morning, in what appears to have been a widely coordinated attack against government and social institutions. Earlier this afternoon, we received a letter from a group known as the Grand Marxist Underground claiming at least partial responsibility for the attacks, although they claim that *they* were primarily acting against corruption, as well as retaliation for the murder of this year's original Confederalist candidate, Francis Vermilion, and for what they believe was the wholesale theft of the recent elections, although sources indicate that other groups may have been involved as well. So far, as of yet, no official word has come from the Confederate government, but sources tell us that there is currently a widespread manhunt for the parties responsible. Our thoughts are with those innocent people who may have been caught up in such an unfortunate incident.”
LaVergne blinked again.
January 27th, 1949.
“I'm sorry, Andre, but.....we had to let you go.”
“Well, I don't understand, Bob. we were doing so well, and everybody respected me here.”
“It's just that.....well, you know what the new Governor thinks of the Confederalist Party, and their policies.”
“Does it matter that much, Bob? I didn't bring my politics to my office, not to the extent that it would have affected my ability to serve the people of New Orleans, regardless of their religion or creed.”
“I get that, Andre, and I believe you, I really, truly do. And I'm sorry we had to meet up under such unfortunate circumstances.”
“I only wish that Monsieur LeCompte could look past his petty disagreements with people whose politics don't align with his, and try to look at their skills and work experience instead. I've had plenty of both. And this new fella they're bringing in, he doesn't seem to have an iota of either.”
“Yes, I know, the planter's son from East Florida. Aldrington, I think his name was?”
“Yes, William Zedekiah Aldrington, Junior. He knows nothing about real police work. He was an MP in Colombia, for God's sakes! He wouldn't understand my how this job really works even if it smacked 'im upside the temple. And what's worse is, some say he's got connections to European organized crime.....”
“I'd hope not, though.”
“Me neither, but something is truly wrong here, and this man may indeed be more than he seems.”
“I understand. Well, I suppose this is good-bye then. Bon Voyage, Commissioner.
“And bon voyage to you as well, mon ami.”
Sept. 17, 1952.
“This is John Hoskins for the Confederate Broadcasting Network. This station has just been notified that at around three-thirty Central Time, this afternoon, just some seventy minutes ago, our President Thomas E. Francis, was badly injured in an automobile accident near the small community of DeKlerk, Arkansas. When rescue workers got to him, they found him alive but unresponsive, and it is feared that he may have suffered a stroke either before or after the accident. Vice-President John T. Morris could not be reached for comment by CBN, but confidential sources informed us that he has apparently been informed of the accident and is on his way from Galveston to Barretsville, Arkansas, where the President has been taken, by way of ambulance.”
May 27, 1953.
“John T. Morris has announced that he will not challenge the succession to Yellow House today, pending party requests. He will, instead, hand over the control of the office on July 11th, to whoever is selected by the House of Representatives, most likely Willie Sopwith if our sources are correct.”
Sept. 11, 1953.
“This is Albert Parsons in Los Angeles, for the Associated Press. A moment many in this country had been dreading for some time has now, unfortunately come to pass; the newly inaugurated Confederate President William Sopwith came out with a press briefing, detailing the successful testing of the first Confederate atomic bomb.
“This past Monday, September 7th, 1953, this nation was able to successfully test, for the first time, an atomic bomb of 25 kilotons in yield, in one of our territories in the Eastern Pacific, off the coast of Mexico. We did this, as a warning to any nation, that would wish to do us harm, militarily or otherwise, who would bring aggression and moral degeneration to our door. Let the revolutionaries in Mexico and the miscegenationists in the United States, realize one thing, if nothing else. Our free and mighty people will not submit to godlessness, miscegenation, libertinism, or any other of the whims of those who set themselves against us, but only to the principles of true civilization & manhood, and above all, the Almighty Lord himself, and his Word and Law.”
October 4, 1954.
“This is Patrick Jennings in San Francisco. In what may be the one of the most stunning turns of events in the history of Confederate legal wrangles, the Confederate Supreme Court ruled, five to four last night, that provisions of a certain few sections of Article Nine of the Confederate Constitution, which instituted a national ban on cannabis consumption, thereby making the Confederacy the very first Western nation to do such, may have violated that very Constitution, ruling in favor of the Louisiana Attorney General John T. Perault, who tried to decriminalize the substance in 1947 under then Governor Hubert Long.
Justice Robert P. Davies issued the most crucial ruling, coming to the conclusion that the exceptions to state's rights outlined in their Constitution, that is, rules & regulations which allowed the Federal Government to override the states, did not include this cannabis ban, which was then opposed in several states, including Louisiana. It also violated the rights of smaller farmers who actually depended on hemp growing to survive, particularly in Tennessee as well as several of the former Mexican territories. Therefore, for these and other reasons, he argued, the provision should not have been allowed to pass in the first place.
While some have applauded the move, there has undoubtedly, unfortunately, been plenty of anger and ire raised by many of the more reactionary segments of Confederate society, including many planters, who, most notably, strongly feared that decriminalization of marijuana would lead to a sharp decline in tobacco consumption, as has been the case in Jamaica just over this past couple of years. And then there are the more bizarre claims, such as that marijuana would cause white women to sleep with black or Mexican men, or teenagers to run wild and become crazed self-hating libertines, just for a couple of the most prominent examples of such. And already, it seems, violence has broken out in several towns across the C.S. as the most radical opposing sides take to the streets, one for the ultimate disestablishment of prohibition and those who seek its survival at any cost. Where this will end, nobody knows, but as this story unfolds, we'll be the first to keep you up to date.”
December 7, 1956.
“Breaking! Breaking! This just in! An explosion of massive proportions apparently just rocked the Savoyard Hotel in Hoover, Alabama only about five minutes ago. Witnesses report an explosion centered around a black luxury sedan parked right in front of the building and caused severe damage to the Savoyard and several other structures in the area, and there are several reports of multiple possible casualties. Stay tuned to this frequency for further information.......”
The old Cajun tried to search for a more positive memory, and found one.
November 22nd, 1960.
“It's with warm hearts and a sense of patriotic pride that we here at the Dixieland Broadcasting Company offer our sincere congratulations to former Louisiana governor Huey Long for a fair and well-earned victory in this year's Presidential race. In his victory speech, he stated his personal vision of optimism for the future, to turn away from the mistakes of the past. and to ensure that the Confederacy could begin to try to make peace and build better relations and connections with the rest of the Western World, while also helping to make better and more secure and productive lives for the less fortunate of us. Indeed, President Long's hopes are shared by many, and we hope that his term in office will indeed bring many benefits for this nation. Good night, and God bless.”
The old Cajun smiled. Huey Long hadn't just been a personal friend of his, but a truly remarkable and admirable man in his eyes. And he hoped that maybe someday, there would be another President like him. Certainly, he hoped to live for the day when slavery and peonage were no longer a reality and that all Louisianans could truly be free. And with that, Andre LaVergne nodded off to sleep.....
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