Scorpions in a Bottle: 'For Want of a Nail' Expanded May 24, 2016 21:16:44 GMT
Post by spanishspy on May 24, 2016 21:16:44 GMT
Preface: This timeline is based on Robert Sobel's For Want of a Nail and was started on alternatehistory.com on June 24th, 2013, where it continues.
Scorpions in a Bottle: For Want of a Nail Expanded
The Militarist Wing of the People's Coalition in the Confederation of North America
In 1971, after the uncovering of the Mexican spy ring in Michigan City and the breaking of North American-Mexican relations, CNA Governor-General Carter Monaghan ordered the Confederation Bureau of Investigation to being searching for possible subversive activity in Southern Vandalia, Northern Vandalia, Indiana, and the Southern Confederation, especially the S.C and Southern Vandalia, the confederations closest to Jefferson. Monaghan also ordered CNA military forces to begin fortifying the border with Mexico along the Arkansas river in light of minor incursions by seemingly rogue Mexican troops.
Mexican President Raphael Dominguez denounced the "warmongering efforts of these traitors to the United States," but refused to reinstate relations with the CNA. As a reaction, the border between the countries, once the largest minimally defended borders in the world, was sealed by the CNA under Council approval.
Within the Grand Council, a Southern Confederation People's Coalition councilman by the name of Theodore Worden had become the leader of a vocal faction of his party, shared by several members of the Coalition especially opposed to the Mason Doctrine. People's Coalition stances on foreign policy were already mildly hawkish, something greatly emphasized in Worden's rhetoric. The CNA had nothing to feel guilty about regarding the Global War, and rather should enjoy its role as the world's dominant nation (Kramer Associates was another matter entirely), according to Worden.
Worden did not stop at mere enjoyment of prosperity, however. Since the country remained at peace while so many other 'lesser' nations were dragged in for what he felt were petty reasons, Worden preached the need of the CNA to patrol the world and "keep it safe for peace, and end war as we know it." Controversially but not without support, Worden campaigned for the development of the CNA nuclear arsenal and applauded former Governor-General Perry Jay's detonation of a device in Manitoba.
With the various occurrences regarding Mexico, Worden's particular brand of nationalist politics surged in popularity nationwide, even in areas dominated by the Liberal Party. Both the Liberals and the Peace and Justice Party branded Worden a 'hate-monger,' to which he replied, famously, that, he was "not a spreader of hate, but of reason. The political systems of other nations, especially that of the United States of Mexico, are inherently flawed and lead to nothing but slaughter and dictatorship. Our system, our democratic system, is superior in every way and must be spread for the betterment of humanity."
Worden also campaigned for increased CNA union with the United British Empire, citing a shared ancestral tie between the two nations. Worden was an outspoken proponent of incorporating the UBE into the CNA as a number of new confederations, stating that "with the power of the British diaspora and her allies, we can ensure peace for all mankind, British or not."
The Indian rebellion of 1971
On June 4th, 1971, a bombing attack killed several hundred in a crowded marketplace in Bombay, one of the major cities of British India, part of the United British Empire. Imperial forces attempted to discern the cause of the bombing, but had to deal with the pressing issue of reconstruction.
A vitavision broadcast shown throughout the empire by Shamba Pandya, a Hindu nationalist, claimed responsibility for the bombing. Pandya's group, the Indian Liberation Movement, demanded British reparations for the German abuses in India during the Global War, and were also a voice of the growing independence movement for India.
British governor of India, Cyrus Greenfield, announced a massive manhunt with the intention of finding Pandya and bringing him to trial in an Indian court. After this announcement, yet another bombing occurred in Delhi, killing at least one thousand, including several Indian police.
Kramer Associate's Satellite Launch
On October 22nd, 1971, Kramer Associates under President Carl Salazar launched a massive rocket from a facility in Kyushu, Empire of Japan, with support from the Japanese government and some assistance from British scientists working independently of the British government. After the Global War and the Kramer bomb detonation, Kramer Associates dedicated itself to a new technology capable of demonstrating the firm's power over the world: extraterrestrial demonstration of force.
Under chief rocket scientist Marcus Lustig, the program had begun in 1967 with the intent of leaving earth orbit with an artificial satellite capable of broadcasting signals for vitavision networks. With the grants of several vitavision companies, Lustig was able to secure funding for the operation.
As head of an international team, Lustig was able to finish a design by 1970. Carl Salazar himself approved the construction of the device, and with persuasion from the Japanese government (eager to boost tourism revenue for the economy) began building the site in Kyushu.
On October 22nd, 1971, Lustig, Salazar, and Japanese Prime Minister Shotaro Ogino attended the launch of the Kramer rocket. As expected by Kramer calculators (developed during the Global War), the rocket succeeded in breaking out of Earth's atmosphere. Kramer Associates had reached the final frontier.
Rebellion continues in India
After the series of bombings in Delhi, governor Greenfield was forced to ask the majority-Indian parliament to institute martial law in the entirety of the British Raj, granted by Prime Minister Devan Mahajan. The UBE's military was dispatched from the Victorian capital of Rutledge (named for a 19th century Prime Minister) to Colombo, capital of Ceylon, and from there to New Delhi. The British forces under the command of General Morton MacDaniel, equipped with state-of-the-art warmobiles and airmobiles, began their deployments to Bombay, Delhi, Hyderabad, Bangalore, Karachi , and other locations.
These forces were almost immediately attacked by an increasingly popular Indian Liberation Movement, ready to throw off the yoke of the imperial power that kept them in bondage, or so they percieved. The British believed that united, the Empire would be able to stand tall and pround among the world stage, from Australia to India, from Victoria to Guyana.
Royal Navy ships also began relocating to various Indian ports in case of other acts of terrorism by the ILM. This fleet was led by Admiral Andrew Carruth, a veteran of the Global War in the fight against Germany. British battleships began patrolling the Indian coast with orders to strike against any attack by the ILM on the Royal Navy.
In early 1972, an ILM fanatic rigged a motorboat with explosives and rammed it into the HMS Edinburgh, sinking it off the coast of the port of Karachi. Copycat attacks occurred off the coast of other Indian ports on British naval forces.
These attacks were spurred on by radio broadcasts in Hindi and other Indian languages by the ILM, lead by chief media director Damodara Chiranjivi Patil. Patil encouraged similar attacks on British military forces, naval ships, and UBE nationals entering India on business trips, tourism, etc.
In these broadcasts, Patil denounced not only the British, but also two other powers: the German Empire and the Confederation of North America. Germany he blamed for invading India during the Global War, causing the deaths of several million Indians. The Confederation of North America he blamed for doing nothing in the face of global tragedy. He especially hated the People's Coalition and Perry Jay; he grudgingly respected the administration of Governor-General Richard Mason while he was in office.
These broadcasts led to yet another terror attack, this time on a group of Australian tourists visiting the Taj Mahal in Agra. The tourists' locomobile was hijacked at gunpoint by ILM insurgents, taken into a base in the forests of Uttar Pradesh, and held hostage, with their presence revealed by Patil.
The "Taj Mahal Kidnapping," as it rapidly became known, provoked a massive response by the UBE military forces in Agra. Warmobiles were rapidly deployed into the forests to find the insurgents, many of which were destroyed via landmines set to harass forces which tried to remove the ILM from the forests.
One of these bombs detonated as one British warmobile was being filled with additional fuel (it had run out and had to call via radio for additional vulcazine), set the fuel on fire, and caused the warmobile and the barrel it was being filled with to violently explode. Uttar Pradesh was in a drought season at the time, and the forest also went up in flames. Firefighters from Agra had to be called in to put out the blaze.
As firefighters and additional warmobiles and UBE infantry arrived on the scene, an area of several kilometers had already been burned. UBE infantry were quick to notice ILM insurgents watching them, and proceeded to pursue them into the jungle. Eventually, British forces found the campsite where the Australian tourists were being held. Before the British could do anything, the ILM insurgents shot all the hostages and left them for dead and the camp abandoned. Two adults and three children had died.
The Mexican elections of 1971
President Raphael Dominguez of the United States of Mexico was, by 1971, an unpopular figure. He had desperately tried to prove Mexico's place in the world via the development of the atomic bomb, a project which, in all incarnations, had failed. His spies had been caught, his offers to foreign spies rejected, and now the possibility of war between the USM and the CNA loomed on the horizon. Various elements of the Progressive Party, the party of Mercator and Dominguez himself, were becoming rapidly unsatisfied with Dominguez's performance, and his nomination for reelection seemed unlikely.
However, the voice of the Secretary of War, former President Vincent Mercator, compelled several voices in the Progressive Party to support Dominguez. At the 1971 Progressive Party convention in Guadalajara, Mercator gave a rousing speech in favor of Dominguez, and announced yet another surprising announcement: at the conclusion of the election, Mercator would retire from the position of Secretary of War. He was 66 and in ill health, and, in his words, "no man to guide Mexico into the future. We need new blood."
However, Dominguez was challenged by one upstart assemblyman from Puerto Hancock by the name of John Paul Lassiter. Lassiter was one of the early Progressive stalwarts, being among the garrison commanders that overthrew Alvin Silva in 1950, preventing the accession of Paul Suarez to the presidency, and serving in the Mexican Assembly for Puerto Hancock after that. However, while loyal to Mercator, Lassiter highly disliked Dominguez and had opposed his nomination in the 1965 elections.
During the Guadalajara convention, Lassiter offered himself as an actually effective alternative to Dominguez, and promised the completion of a Mexican nuclear weapon by the end of his first term. Lassiter was cheered on by delegates from California, Arizona, Jefferson, and Mexico del Norte, but was received less politely by those from Durango and Chiapas, and neutrally by Alaskans and Hawaiians.
To the supporters of Lassiter, it was a great shock that the majority of delegates had indeed voted to renominate Dominguez as the Progressive Party candidate, a result cheered on by Mercator. Dominguez' renomination sparked a massive walkout from the Progressive convention by Lassiter's supporters.
Within a week, Lassiter and his supporters met in Conyers, Mexico del Norte, to discuss an effective alternative to Dominguez. The main option became clear: nominate Lassiter as an independent and proffer sympathetic candidates for the Assembly. Soon after, Lassiter formally announced his candidacy for the Presidency of the United States of Mexico. Congressmen and Senators from all across Mexico also declared their candidacies for office to promote the policies of Lassiter.
In his acceptance speech, Lassiter made an appeal to Mercator:
"Vincent Mercator, my cherished friend and stalwart ally, it is my firm belief that you have made a terrible mistake in renominating Dominguez. He is an incompetent buffoon that knows nothing of statecraft. Let me run, Mercator, and prove that Mexico is still a democracy. The CNA, Britain, Germany, Siberia, and other nations of the globe have expressed skepticism of our commitment to the words of Jackson. Let us do so. Let us run. We make no claims to the outdated solutions of Suarez. We are revolutionaries just as you are. We will continue the revolution more effectively than Dominguez ever will."
Mercator, upon hearing Lassiter's plea, debated on the measure of letting him run as an independent. Officially, the Progressive Party was the only party permitted to run candidates in Mexican elections, but Lassiter had spoken the truth. Foreign countries had indeed began to stop taking Mexico seriously as a democratic nation, as his Offensive of the Dove had shown. Mercator addressed the Progressive Party demanding that they let Lassiter run for the sole purpose of proving him wrong. "In a democracy, the people's desire shall elect the best candidate. We are the best party with the best candidate. Even if we let Lassiter run, we will win."
Lassiter was thereafter to campaign as an independent. He traveled the country and decried what he saw as Dominguez' inefficiency. His popularity grew in Jefferson, California, Mexico del Norte, and Arizona, and even gained substantial minorities in the southern part of the country.
Eventually, elections arrived. Both supporters of Lassiter and supporters of Dominguez went out in droves to support their candidates. The nation waited anxiously for an answer. Vitavision broadcasts attempted to project a victor for the election, and the results, even the projection team for Mercator himself, showed one result: Lassiter would win.
And win Lassiter did, taking majorities in the Old Northern states and Alaska, and significant minorities elsewhere. In his inaugural speech in Mexico City, Lassiter promised "a new era for the Mexican people, an era of assertion and of self-respect. The world laughs at Mexico. I will make this country feared and respected."
Within his first few months of office, Lassiter became controversial in world politics. A firestorm of controversy erupted when Lassiter accepted Shamba Pandya, head of the Indian Liberation Movement, in Mexico City for an official audience. Pandya and Lassiter found a good deal to agree upon, Pandya praising Mexican democracy and the ideals of Andrew Jackson, while Lassiter decried Britain as an imperialist power. In Lassiter's own words, "Britain has commenced genocide of so many peoples of this world. The CNA is founded upon the blood of Native North Americans, and Victoria and Australia are much the same. I may be of British ancestry myself, but my nation has not slaughtered the natives of its land. Indeed, many natives have served in high ranking positions in Mexico. The CNA, Britain, or any other major power cannot make that claim."
However, during his meetings with Pandya, Lassiter refused to supply direct military aid to the ILM. Mexico was still war-weary, he contended, and would not be able to aid in the struggle for an independent India. Nevertheless, he called their struggle a noble one, and hoped for an India free of British domination.
This show of support for Pandya enraged the United British Empire, leading to demonstrations in London, Sydney, Rutledge, Burgoyne, and New Delhi. British Prime Minister Gordon Perrow denounced Lassiter as a "backer of terrorists and an enemy of world peace." The British, Australian, Victorian, and Indian ambassadors joined the CNA in leaving Mexico City.
The Beginnings of the Haste to Space
After launching of Kramer Associates' extraterrestrial satellite in 1971, the world was put into a frenzy of curiosity about the final frontier. The satellite, known as the Bernard Kramer, was now transmitting vitavision communications worldwide for various telecommunications companies owned by Kramer Associates. In the powers of the world, this was shocking. Kramer Associates had already outclassed them with the detonation of the world's first atomic bomb, and again they reached a new frontier before any of them.
Prime Minister of the United Kingdom Gordon Perrow was shocked at the launch, noting that many scientists had thought that escaping Earth's atmosphere was an impossibility. Perrow was currently in dire electoral straits, as his Whig party was in coalition with the liberals who wanted him out of office. To boost his popularity, Perrow ordered the creation of a British satellite program, with a launch site begun in British Guyana.
The CNA was also incensed, with various councilmen, especially from the People's Coalition and even more pronounced among the followers of Theodore Worden's New Moral Imperative, demanding that the CNA begin its own satellite program. Under partisan pressure, Governor-General Carter Monaghan made it a part of his goals for his administration. The motion was passed among sternly partisan lines in the Grand Council, Liberals voting against it and the Coalition voting for it. Since the Coalition had a majority, the motion passed.
The CNA launch site began to be constructed in the area of the Cape of Currents, Georgia, Southern Confederation, under the urging of Theodore Worden, himself a southerner. Worden had connections with the CNA's scientific elite, especially among physicists, astronomers, and military scientists who supported his pro-weapons development stances. The Cape of Currents in particular was recommended as it would allow rockets to take advantage of Earth's rotation to achieve liftoff, and the Atlantic Ocean would permit easy recovery if rocket launches would fail.
Upon learning of the Kramer satellite launch, Vincent Mercator, former Secretary of War of the United States of Mexico, also demanded the creation of a space program to rival that of Kramer Associates. Mercator is on the record as saying that "Kramer Associates, Mexico's longtime nemesis, has reached for the stars. We cannot let them, nor can we let the CNA or the UBE or Germany, reach space again without being accompanied by Mexico. We are a powerful nation, among the most powerful in the world, and this is what we must do to continue in that status."
John Paul Lassiter, President of Mexico during the time of the satellite launch, agreed with his former rival, and created the new Department of Extraterrestrial Affairs (DEA) to expedite the creation of a Mexican satellite, under the new Secretary of Extraterrestrial Affairs Martino Ramirez, a physicist by training and accomplice and student of William Chron, the reformer of the USM's educational system and associate of Vincent Mercator. Ramirez immediately began formulating plans for a satellite launch in cooperation with physicists at the University of Mexico City. Plans for a satellite launch facility were written up to eventually be made somewhere in the Yucatan peninsula.
The final major power to begin a satellite program was the German Empire under Chancellor Reinhold Kiermaier, who, despite the various anti-German riots in the Empire's puppet states, created a German satellite program to compete with the other nations of the world. However, internal matters proved more important for the time being.
The Kiermaier Reforms and the Greater German Empire
Chancellor of the German Empire Reinhold Kiermaier was elected during a period of unrest within the puppet states of the Empire, such as France, the Netherlands, the Associated Russian Republics, and Arabia. Riots in Moscow, Paris, Jerusalem, and Amsterdam were quickly becoming costly for the Empire to deal with. The public of Germany itself was beginning to question the necessity of keeping the puppet states under Berlin's control.
Kiermaier, to the contrary, saw the necessity of keeping Germany's enemies weak, but also that the costs of direct occupation were indeed taking a toll on the German economy. Kiermaier met with the leaders of the various puppet states, but their reactions were unilaterally in favor of independence. Kiermaier then saw a third alternative that he felt would both pacify the puppet states and retain German military power in Europe.
In March of 1972, Kiermaier called delegations from France, Russia, Arabia, and the Netherlands, among others, to Berlin for a conference regarding their future status. Kiermaier, with the Emperor's blessing, had begun the formation of the Greater German Empire, incorporating the various puppets into one united Germany. The delegates from the puppets were incensed at the thought of outright annexation, but Kiermaier promised them something that satisfied them: they would each retain control of their domestic affairs in a way that permitted their own governments to continue under whatever republic or monarchy they had previously, and would also gain seats proportional to the population in the German Diet. However, the central government in Berlin would have ultimate control over foreign affairs and the military.
To pacify the delegates at this conference, Kiermaier is on the record as saying:
"I fully expect that, one day, there will be a non-German chancellor of the Empire. We are indeed equals here, equal in the eyes of God and in the eyes of the Emperor. Germany has merely brought us together, and together we may assure our continued safety and advancement in earthly affairs."
On April 3, 1972, the Greater German Empire (or the Fourth Empire as said by some, after the Holy Roman Empire, the Germanic Confederation, and the German Empire), was proclaimed in a ceremony in Berlin with a meeting of the first Diet, with delegates from both Germany and the formerly puppeted territories. More muted celebrations took place in the capitals of the former puppets. To allay fears of the French public, French President Jean-Baptiste Tremblay, a known supporter of the Germans, commemorated the occasion with a speech cheering the measure, an excerpt of which said:
"It pains me to admit that France is no longer a major power on the world stage, no matter how much we wish the opposite were true. The best we can do to influence world affairs is to make our voice known in the Berlin Diet and attempt to influence the decisions of the Chancellor. The same can be said for Russia, Arabia, and the Netherlands."
A close look at the celebrations and the early administration of the Greater German Empire shows that Kiermaier indeed intended the new government to give an equal say to the puppets. This is most apparent in his choice of cabinet ministers, appointing Frenchman Alphonse Bernard to Commerce Minister, Russian Vladimir Lebed to Interior Minister, and Dutchman Jan Pietersen to Agricultural Minister. This cooperation was tested during the early months of the Empire, and the constituent nations seemed at least begrudgingly accepting of the new order.
The Early Lassiter Administration
As he promised during the 1971 election season, Vincent Mercator, Mexican Secretary of War during the Dominguez administration, stepped down from his position during the inauguration ceremony of Dominguez' successor, John Paul Lassiter. Despite their initial enmity during the election, Mercator congratulated Lassiter during the ceremonies in Mexico City, praising him as a ''visionary new leader for the United States.'' Dominguez was noticeably irritated when his ideological backer praised his rival, but he could do nothing; the people had spoken, and Lassiter was their choice.
Since Mercator was stepping down, a need for a new Secretary of War arose, and several candidates came submit their candidacies. Several applied, including various assemblymen and senators, but very few impressed either Mercator or Lassiter. However, a relatively younger man by the name of Ernesto Salmeron, currently in his early fifties and one of the original leaders of the rebellion against Silva and Suarez, and leader of the garrison from Chetumal, Chiapas, was chosen as Mercator's successor as Secretary of War.
In March of 1972, a letter cosponsored by the local territorial administrations of Martinique, Saint Thomas, Saint Croix, and Saint John, all under Mexican control since the Hundred Days' War, sent a petition to the Mexican Congress asking for the four islands to be united as one state in the Mexican union. The delegate, Keith Christian, argued passionately for the islands' admission as the Mexican Antilles. Lassiter, seeing a possibility to earn more supporters in Congress, urged the admission of the Antilles as a state. A vote in both the Assembly and the Senate resulted in a majority approval of the measure, and the Mexican Antilles were admitted to the United States of Mexico.
To fulfill his campaign promises, Lassiter moved increased amounts of Mexican money to the atomic bomb program, currently based in the deserts of Mexico del Norte. The major problem that had plagued the program under Mercator and Dominguez was a lack of qualified scientists. Under Lassiter, the Mexican Department of Education run by Secretary Marco Mata promised any university that was able to produce a nuclear scientist capable of proposing a theoretically workable bomb would received a massive amount of tax breaks and additional funds from the Mexican government.
At the University of Conyers, one scientist was able to meet that challenge. An enterprising professor, recently back from physics and chemistry symposiums in Berlin, London, and Burgoyne by the name of Thomas McCarthy. McCarthy had gleamed enough nuclear knowledge from these events to develop blueprints for a small nuclear bomb, and was asking the University of Conyers to accept Lassiter's request. He said it would not be anywhere near the size of the Kramer bomb, but it would be a start. The University agreed and began advertising its services to the Mexican government, and McCarthy met with Lassiter in person in Mexico City.
Lassiter immediately put McCarthy in charge of the bomb program at the new facility, dubbed Huddleston Nuclear Research Center, now under the newly created Bureau of Nuclear Energy, itself a part of the Department of Energy. McCarthy was placed at the head of the Bureau, and lauded as a man who would ''bring Mexico to a standing as a nation worthy of the respect of the great powers,'' as hailed by Mercator in an editorial to a Guadalajara newspaper.
Upon his inauguration, Lassiter had inherited a tense border dispute with the CNA along the border between Jefferson and Southern Vandalia. An executive order signed by Lassiter gave the order to make absolutely no military action against the CNA, but to begin fortifying various military bases in case of a North American attack. The Mexican general in command of the border forces, Julio Recinos, warned Lassiter that there would likely be conflict if the backers of the radical CNA councilman Theodore Worden were to come to power in their neighbor to the north, and that this theoretical conflict would grow exponentially more likely if Worden or a like-minded individual were to gain control of the office of Governor-General.
Relations with the CNA had never been worse since the Rocky Mountain War. The discovery of the Mexican spy ring in Michigan City had led to a recalling of ambassadors, and Lassiter's open support for the Indian Liberation Movement in India (part of the United British Empire) had decreased his popularity in the CNA even more. To spite the USM, CNA Governor-General Carter Monaghan approved a trade embargo with the country, severely damaging the merchants of the Mexican Old North. Various economic leaders within the country urged Lassiter to either end this period of hostility with the CNA or find an alternative.
Lassiter, pushed in that direction by the CNA's refusal to even consider talks, chose an alternative. In July of 1972, he called a meeting of delegates from Porto Rico, Cuba, New Granada, Rio Negro, Quito, Peru, Guatemala, Brazil, the Argentine, Santiago, and Cayenne to form the Greater American Free Trade Agreement (GAFTA), designed to break down tariffs and promote free trade between the countries of the agreement. Urged on by Mexican business leaders promising investment in the infrastructures of these nations, the delegates hammered out a document that contained the workings of GAFTA.
The Mexican economy began to boom after the signing of GAFTA, allowing Mexican goods to flow into the nations of South and Central America, providing much-needed capital for Mexican businesses, merchants, and shipping companies. The Mexican Dollar increased in value, ending a small period of inflation. Especially important was the opening up of New Granadan vulcazine markets, previously hard to access due to a vaguely assertive government (which in reality was submissive to Mexico City most of the time, but more isolationist members of the New Granadan parliament had severely restricted exports of vulcazine, restrictions lifted with the passage of GAFTA).
Theodore Worden: His Life and Ideology
Theodore Worden was born in Atlanta, Georgia, the Southern Confederation in 1936, two years before the beginning of the Global War, the son of Hector and Sandra Worden. The Worden family had arrived in the CNA during the Gallivan years, attracted by the nation’s economic prosperity in comparison to their native Britain. Worden grew up in a middle class home, but barely knew his father. Hector Worden was a staunch North American nationalist who joined the Burgoyne Brigade during the Global War, a volunteer brigade from North America that fought for Britain in Europe.
When Hector returned from Europe, he was scarred by two things: the brutality of the war and the inefficiency of the British war effort. Believing British constitutional monarchy to be the superior system of government and in the intellectual and political prowess of ethnically British culture and its derivatives, he was shocked that the British had only left the war in a stalemate with Germany. The CNA, he thought, was the only bastion of pure parliamentary democracy left in the world.
As young Theodore grew up, Hector taught him his thoughts on the CNA’s role in the world. CNA neutrality had left the world in ruins, and Hector believed that the war’s desolation was ultimately the result of inefficient government practices. Furthermore, he pointed to the chaos and economic troubles of the Mercator regime in Mexico as a cautionary tale. Such diverse peoples were unable to coexist when one elite was forced on an unwilling population, as the Anglos in Mexico were on the Hispanos and Mexicanos. Rather, he saw the consensual union of peoples, such as the case of the Negroes in Southern Vandalia and the rest of North America, as a far more ideal design. He lambasted the “mongrel empires” of Germany, Mexico, and their allies, while praised the United British Empire as a consensual union of peoples plagued by imperfect government.
After he was done with secondary school, young Theodore enrolled in the University of New York to study political science. One of his professors, Charles Winslow, assigned readings of Thomas Kronmiller, the mastermind of the CNA’s Moral Imperative ideology in the nineteenth century, for his class in political science. Theodore found himself in agreement with Kronmiller’s beliefs on the world regarding the spread of civilization by the already civilized nations to nations with lower levels of development. Synthesizing his father’s teachings with those of Kronmiller, Worden created his New Moral Imperative.
Worden began public speaking in the University of New York, persuading those who opposed the Mason Doctrine to his ideology. Richard Mason, in his view, was a coward who falsely assigned his nation guilt for the actions of what Worden viewed as lesser nations. Rather, Worden believed, the world owed the CNA for its neutrality and generosity after the war, and that Mason had already given too much to other nations.
In the New Moral Imperative, the CNA had a mission to civilize the world as Britain had done before. However, Worden differed from Kronmiller in that he had a strong militaristic quality that extended outside the North American continent. Worden believed that the CNA should intervene in foreign conflicts in the hopes of creating a lasting peace and ending war quickly, or preventing war before it could happen. Additionally, Worden believed that the CNA had the natural right to plunder and exploit other nations at will so long as it was ultimately beneficial to the state in question. This was a common interpretation of the Moral Imperative by nations of the 19th century, but it was never explicitly stated. Worden was very clear in elaborating this right.
Worden viewed the contemporary state of the United States of Mexico with contempt. Mercator, he believed, was a disgusting antithesis to democracy, and that the Mason administration had done nothing to stop him. To remedy the current social ills of Mexico, the CNA should invade the country and incorporate Jefferson into the nation, and confiscate Alaska as it was the “natural place of expansion for the successors of the British Empire. It was robbed from us by Hermion, and this must be corrected.” Furthermore, he believed in the taking of the Anglo population of the Mexican states other than Jefferson and resettling them in Alaska, a free Hawaii, and a Hispano-Mexicano government in Mexico. This, he felt, would end the imperialism of the Anglos on the Hispanos and Mexicanos and allow them to run their own nation effectively in the mold of the CNA.
While he was at university, Worden was noted as a gifted public speaker but socially inept, spending most of his time in his dormitory (and later his apartment during graduate years) formulating his New Moral Imperative. He had few actual friends, only political allies, and no significant other. A former roommate of his by the name of Jason Henley wrote in My flatmate, the Leader in 1990 that “Theodore was an ideological puritan and nothing less. He would rarely engage in normal college-age activities with his peers, often rudely shunning them, and was utterly oblivious with girls. All cues from an aspiring trophy wife (for that is all they could be considering the stature he would rise to in his great and terrible administration) for anything from mere dinner dates to outright sexual advances were not so much ignored, more so that he was utterly oblivious to them. He was that committed.”
After his graduation from Graduate School at New York University, Worden returned to Atlanta to preach his politics there. A noted admirer of Perry Jay, Worden was able to join the People’s Coalition office in Atlanta, eventually rising to city director of the party in 1964. Despite the disappointment of Jay’s resignation in 1963, Worden supported Governor-General Carter Monaghan during his first term, silencing his critics in the Atlanta party. Worden stressed color-blindness in the affairs in North America despite his rhetoric which could be construed as racist; he insisted that a consensual union of diverse peoples, such as between whites and Negroes in the CNA were completely acceptable, unlike the ‘forced’ union of the USM.
By 1967, the New Moral Imperative had become a noted subsection of the People’s Coalition, being especially popular in the Northern and Southern Confederations, but with significant amounts of adherents elsewhere in the country. Worden appealed to those alienated from the “massive guilt trip that was the Mason administration” and promised a higher joie de vivre in the CNA based on its natural right to both police and plunder the world. Governor-General Monaghan was dismissive of the group, calling them “well-intentioned radicals. Nevertheless, we [the moderate wing of the People’s Coalition] must work with them.”
In 1968, Worden ran for the Grand Council Seat for his district for the People’s Coalition, being nominated over a moderate candidate by the name of Orson McEwan. Campaigning for an “Atlanta free of guilt,” he won over his Liberal opponent Grover Thurston in a landslide election. Those who remember that time recount Worden banners on every street, sometimes on every telephone and vitavision pole. Thurston, on the other hand, ran a paltry campaign. It was remarked by Thurston in 1988 that “I knew I had no chances in that election. The PC was the dominant party in the Southern Confederation, and Worden was especially popular. I was a lamb to the slaughter. Soon, Atlanta and then the CNA would be at his beck and call.”
John Paul Lassiter: His life and Ideology
John Paul Lassiter was born in Puerto Hancock, California, in 1922 to an Anglo family of modest means. His father, Henry Lassiter, was a career soldier, having served in the Hundred Days War before John Paul’s birth. The Lassiter family was descended from North Americans who had made the wilderness walk to Jefferson, and later relocated to California during the Gold Rush. Henry was proud of being of a family that had fought in “every major war of the United States since the War of Unification.” Henry, despite being an Anglo, loved Mexican culture and could speak fluent Spanish, a language he raised John Paul to be bilingual with in addition to English.
John Paul Lassiter’s family was quite poor by Mexican standards, and often spent time with Mexicano and Hispano families of similar economic stature. While in primary school and secondary school, he campaigned for tolerance between the three ethnic groups. In a speech in secondary school to an audience of a thousand, he said “our nation was founded on diversity and tolerance. Jackson made it so, and we must continue it. Hate will lead us nowhere.”
Lassiter was too poor to attend any of the major universities, and joined the army in 1940 during the Global War at his father’s encouragement. Shortly before leaving for war, he had married his adolescent sweetheart Carmela Barrera, a Mexicano girl from a family that had been friends of his own family for several years (her father, Miguel Barrera, had worked with Henry Lassiter in their convenience store in Puerto Hancock after the end of the Hundred Days War). It is interesting to note that John Paul was considered to be a womanizer during his youth, and many were surprised on his decision to marry.
After training in Alaska, in 1942 John Paul’s division was deployed to Siberia to be used in the continuing invasion of China. Like his father, John Paul was a natural soldier, and was promoted several times during the campaigns in China. As a Lieutenant, Lassiter brainstormed the famed Defense of Zhengding, in which his force of three thousand Mexicans held off a 10,000 strong Chinese force from taking the city. The Defense of Zhengding catapulted Lassiter to nationwide fame, and even received an accolade from Alvin Silva.
In 1947, Lassiter was withdrawn from China back to Mexico to deal with the various ethnic antigovernment insurrections in the United States. Lassiter, now a Major, was appalled by the Silva regime’s handling of the Rainbow War, finding that the Black Justice Party and the Causa de Justicia had legitimate misgivings. Nevertheless, Lassiter did as he was told, becoming the leader of the garrison at Puerto Hancock to fight both insurgencies. He disagreed with their violent tactics, but he began to despise Silva for his handling of the income inequality in the country and the relationship of minorities with the majority. He is on record as saying while in command that “he [Silva] should be ashamed to call himself a Callista [follower of Emiliano Calles].”
Lassiter ran the garrison at Puerto Hancock and the surrounding area for several years, in a military arrangement known as one of the most tolerant in Mexico. Lassiter, unlike several Jefferson military leaders, was fair in terms of race and promoted on an egalitarian basis. As a result, he was often coveted by young Mexicano soldiers to be their regimental commander, and many soldiers deserted their posts in other cities such as Sangre Roja or Conyers to attempt to join Lassiter’s formation. These “Lassiteristas” were loyal to him often to a fault, but he tried to moderate them – he would openly chastise those who started violence on his behalf.
In 1950, Lassiter was contacted by the leader of the Guadalajara garrison and future political ally, Vincent Mercator. Mercator, also an Anglo, was a radical economic thinker who demanded increased social justice in the country, including income caps, improved state-funded education, removal of the majority of inheritance laws, and other various reforms to ensure socioeconomic equality in the United States of Mexico. Lassiter had always been of similar convictions and agreed with Mercator’s program.
Mercator’s most radical proposal, that of overthrowing President Alvin Silva, was accepted by Lassiter with beaming enthusiasm. Mercator merely viewed Silva as incompetent; Lassiter viewed him as a traitor to his cause and a complete and utter hypocrite. Mercator knew that if Lassiter would agree with his cause, than the Mexican people would follow him. Eventually, Mercator, Lassiter, and several other garrison leaders from around Mexico would meet in Mexico City and overthrow Silva.
After the coup had been carried out, Lassiter was placed in several posts dedicated to preserving social equality as practiced by Mercator’s Progressive Party, the only legal party in the country. Lassiter’s forces were able to quell several riots around the country, including the famed Jefferson City riots and the notorious San Francisco Massacre of Mexicanos by Anglos. In the latter, Lassiter personally went into the streets of San Francisco and stood between the two factions until they reasoned with one another. Lassiter quickly became a national hero even more than he had already and certainly rivaled the figure of his idol Emiliano Calles. Lassiter also won election to the Mexican assembly representing Puerto Hancock.
Lassiter remained a loyal servant of the Mercator regime, but rapidly grew to dislike Mercator’s appointed puppet, Raphael Dominguez, he who worsened relations with the CNA with his spying programs, failed to gain Mexico the nuclear bomb, and conducted a sham of educational reforms. As such, he ran against Dominguez in the elections of 1971 and won, which has been detailed previously. Lassiter’s recruitment of Thomas McCarthy to the post of Huddleston Nuclear Research Center was a fulfillment of his campaign promises, and his passage of GAFTA was yet another boon for the Mexican economy (however, restrictions on income and inheritance, among other things, still applied. Lassiter was still a Mercatorist, albeit a more pragmatic one than Dominguez).
A short biography of Thomas McCarthy
Thomas McCarthy was born in Moberly, Arizona, a small frontier town near the border with Alaska. The McCarthy family had participated in the Wilderness Walk and initially settled in Arnold, Jefferson, before one of Thomas' ancestors, Henry McCarthy, moved to the far northern reaches of Arizona to start a business in supplying farming families, mostly Anglos, to settle the far northern part of the country. Moberly, named for Henderson Moberly, an 18th century Jeffersonian politician, was one the McCarthys' main places to do business, and the family moved there in 1862.
Thomas McCarthy was born in 1934 to parents Morton and Emily McCarthy, by the time the McCarthys were an established Moberly family, owning several businesses. Thomas was only five years old when the Global War broke out, and found himself quite enjoying the patriotism and support for the military that the Silva administration promoted. While attending Omar Kinkaid primary school in the town, young Thomas quite enjoyed science lessons, winning a local science fair when he was eleven years old. These two loves, of Mexico and of science, would be the two cornerstones of his career.
At this young age, it was already clear that Thomas was an absolute genius, albeit not a nationally recognized one. After graduating from Richard Stockton Secondary School in nearby Maxwell, Arizona (Moberly, being a small town, only had a primary school; several towns sent their adolescents to Maxwell for their education) two years early (having skipped two years, completing them during summer vacations - he is on record as saying that "idleness is dull, education quintessential."), he was accepted into the University of Sangre Roja to double major in Chemistry and Physics. McCarthy passed both in flying colors, being the valedictorian in the class of 1954.
McCarthy was a minor member of the University's Young Revolutionaries Club, a youth wing of the movement led by Vincent Mercator after the desposition of Alvin Silva. McCarthy, a Mexican patriot, had grown disillusioned with the Silva regime in his youth, and found solidarity with the Mercator regime. During his university and graduate years, McCarthy attended pro-Mercator rallies in Sangre Roja and its suburban areas, occasionally speaking. Nevertheless, his true passion was for science.
After ending graduate school, McCarthy assumed a post in nuclear chemistry at the University of Conyers almost immediately, becoming one of the youngest professors in the United States of Mexico, in a post he would hold for the next few decades. During the 1950s and early 1960s, McCarthy was one of the foremost theoretical physicists that Mexico or indeed the world had to offer. In 1962, after the detonation of the Kramer Associates atomic bomb, McCarthy took his research and began to weaponize it.
However, when approached by the Mercator regime to design the USM's first atomic bomb, McCarthy was appalled by what he viewed as the unprofessionalism and lack of respect for the scientific method that his potential coworkers possessed. Especially worrisome to McCarthy was the government team's utter disregard for the nuclear development programs of the CNA, Germany, and Britain. The fiercely isolationist Mercator and his chief nuclear scientist, Julio Sorto, subsequently abandoned any attempt to recruit McCarthy to their cause.
However, McCarthy saw the need for Mexico to develop an atomic bomb, and noticed that several other scientists were of a similar political persuasion. Joining with these scientists, most notably Ignacio Juarez, Tomas Fernandez y Gomez, Warren Galdamez, and Ernest Mauley, among others, they began their own private, secret enterprise to design an atomic bomb. The scientists had enough background in the relevant fields of knowledge; designing a bomb would be a significant challenge even for them.
For the next decade, McCarthy's team would go to universities around the world, mainly in the CNA, Britain, and Germany, giving talks about their subjects and listening to various scientists in their areas of expertise in science symposiums. From these meetings over a course of a decade, the bomb project became ever more possible, albeit without any form of testing. Slowly but surely, by 1972, their design was complete.
That year, McCarthy contacted President Lassiter after the latter promised massive amounts of funding for a suitable design. After meeting with Lassiter in Mexico City, he was given command of Huddleston Nuclear Research Center in the deserts of Mexico del Norte, as well as an ample amount of uranium mined from mines in Arizona. Within a few months, the design was actualized, and a test detonation scheduled for January of 1973.
On January 23rd, 1973, the bomb was detonated. Mexico had achieved its goal of becoming a nuclear power.
John Paul Lassiter's Philosophy of Imperialism and Mexican National Identity
During his speech in Mexico City's Jackson Square on his inauguration day in 1971, John Paul Lassiter decried what he viewed as the "hostile nation to our north that schemes against us on a daily basis, eagerly awaiting the destruction of our cherished homeland." The Confederation of North America, according to Lassiter, was a selfish, introverted nation that happily saw the deaths of millions during the Global War, refusing to intervene out of petty morality. He deemed People's Coalition politicians, such as Bruce Hogg, James Billington, Perry Jay, and Carter Monaghan as sadistic warmongers that reveled in bloodshed and actively aided imperialist powers.
There was only one CNA politician worth anything to Lassiter, and that politician was Governor-General Richard Mason, and even then, the praise was lukewarm at best. Lassiter praised Mason as "understanding the grave crimes of apathy against dignity that the Confederation of North America has committed," but balked at Mason's insistence that the United States commit some aid to other nations, such as Britain, Germany and Japan. "Mexico has suffered dearly in the Global War, and it is foolish to deny that," he claimed during a speech in Conyers. In the same speech, he declared that "of the hundred million dead in this terrible conflict, a good fifth of that at least was lost by the good men of the armed forces of the United States of Mexico in China. The Japanese imperialists have no sense of mercy or of shame, and demonstrated the lack of these senses in their brutal treatment of prisoners of war. We owe them nothing. And now, North America, let us never hear from the lips of any of your statesmen that Mexico left that war unharmed."
Indeed, his opposition to the colonial superpowers of the age was the defining point of his foreign policy, and supported the direct participation of all peoples within a nation. Following this line of thinking, he praised Emiliano Calles, already a figure highly praised in his speeches and philosophy, for bringing Alaska and Hawaii into the United States while letting Siberia, New Granada, and Guatemala go free. Under this philosophy, he brought in the Mexican Antilles as a state.
Proving himself a hypocrite to foreign observers, Lassiter thought of the Mexican cause in the Global War as a grand anti-imperialist crusade, striking against the Empire of Japan, itself a British puppet (or so he said in his rhetoric). However, he had stern words about Germany's participation; to Lassiter, the Bruning government was also an imperialist regime with whom Mexico allied itself for convenience's sake only. Had Mexico and Germany won the Global War, he contended, there would have been an eventual clash between the two nations.
Of all nations of the world, he scalded Britain the most in his philosophy, deeming them the "grandest purveyors of genocide the world has ever known, utterly dwarfing the meager death tolls of those such as Genghis Khan and Attila the Hun." To this he pointed to the Native North American population in the CNA being confined to reservations, the Aboriginal Australian and New Zealander populations being almost completely exterminated, and the widespread civil strife in Ireland, Victoria, and India, among other colonies.
The first major accomplishment, foreign policy-wise, was the signing of the Greater American Free Trade Agreement (GAFTA) between the nations of Central and South America, releasing the barriers of trade between them. Notably, he refused to even extend a thought to the CNA regarding said trade; indeed, the project was intended to decrease Mexican dependence on North American trade made ever harder after the recalling of ambassadors from Burgoyne and Mexico City, and vice versa regarding the Michigan City Spy Ring.
In the countries of Central and South America, however, Lassiter was seen as an "Hermion, but far more diplomatic," in the words of the Argentinean president Juan Benitez y Garcia. Lassiter insisted on a united front against imperialism, and ensured that the Mexican ambassadors in each country wielded extraordinary influence. However, unlike the Chief of State-turned-Emperor of the previous century, Lassiter did not intervene militarily in any of these countries, but did not shy away from funding groups favorable to Mexican interests. In Bogota, capital of New Granada, Mexican Ambassador Carlos Wilson became known as the "Snake of the North," related how he was able to "strangle" the New Granadan parliament into obeying Mexican party line.
These nations were encouraged to break off trade with the CNA, and all involved in GAFTA were forced to withdraw their ambassadors from Burgoyne, London, Rutledge, New Delhi, and Canberra as per the terms of the agreement. These countries would respond in kind, placing sanctions on countries within GAFTA and on occasion against the agreement itself. As remarked by Hubert Grayson, a North American diplomat and formerly the ambassador to Rio Negro, remarked that "the Lassiter administration seemed hell-bent on rendering half the Confederation diplomatic corps unemployed, begging off the street in hopes of a few pence for food and shelter." Indeed, several hundred members of the North American Diplomatic Corps were left unemployed, and similar phenomena occurred in the countries of the United British Empire.
Of all foreign powers, one stood out from the rest in terms of the vitriol with which he attacked it: Mexico's old enemy, Kramer Associates. Calling it "the nemesis of free peoples everywhere and the slavemonger of millions, dwarfing the old Triangle Trade in its scope." Exaggerated as this was, Kramer Associates did indeed employ several thousands in its daily operations. Lassiter proposed a full government-imposed boycott on all goods and services produced by Kramer Associates, passed by both the Senate and the Assembly in flying colors.
Culturally, Lassiter decried popular intellectuals, often from North America or the United British Empire, which "stained the name of our nation conceived in liberty for all men and women" (critics would note, in light of this comment, that Mexico did not achieve full racial equality until the Calles administration, and that it was also Calles that gave Mexican women the right to vote in 1921. On the other hand, Ezra Gallivan, Governor-General of the CNA from 1888 to 1901, enfranchised North American women in 1885). During the 1970s, two popular intellectuals, Robert Sobel (author of the acclaimed dual history For Want of a Nail) and Stanley Tulin (author of various histories with an obvious anti-Mexican bias and several political works with similar sentiments) were in the vogue, and Lassiter demanded their works be banned nationwide, but was prevented from doing so via constitutional protections. He remarked, "as much as I would like to ban these works, I am prohibited to by the framers that forged this nation in 1819. Their word still speaks to us today, and it is in the nation's best interests that all, myself included, follow them."
To counter anti-Mexican trends in academia, Lassiter promoted several Mexican authors as alternatives. These authors include Frank Dana (author to the critique agreed by the Mexican and North American historical associations attached to Sobel's For Want of a Nail, a professor at the University of Mexico City, originally from Arnold, Jefferson), Lawrence Gilman (author of Duel for a Continent, a work touted as a Mexican alternative to Sobel's work, originally from San Fernando, California), and Oscar Jamison (author of The Struggle for Liberty: Henry, Adams, and the American Rebellion, originally from Sangre Roja, Arizona). Jamison in particular was praised by Lassiter, dubbed "the sage who codified the philosophical underpinnings of the Mexican nation, a philosophy that serves as a beacon of hope for oppressed peoples of the world." Lassiter made Gilman's and Jamison's works required reading in all secondary school and university level Mexican history classes.
The Congress of Oppressed Peoples
Keeping true to his anti-imperialist rhetoric, John Paul Lassiter kept good relations with various international resistance groups opposed to colonization, often living under the colonies of various European nations, nations which still ruled over a quarter of the world's landmass (applied liberally by Lassiter; he deemed the CNA, India, Australia, Victoria, et al. as 'colonies' of the United Kingdom; these entities would often beg to differ). As detailed beforehand, he extended cordial relations towards small independent nations in South America, the Caribbean, Africa, and the Middle East as a part of this form of ideological self-promotion.
Perhaps the most controversial action regarding his foreign policy was inviting Shamba Pandya, leader of the Indian Liberation Movement (ILM), to Mexico City to discuss potential coordination between the ILM and the USM. Pandya insisted on some sort of direct aid from Mexico, but Lassiter was unwilling to provide. "We are recovering from a coup and massive civil unrest, so a direct military intervention in India is out of the question," Lassiter said on a vitavised talk between himself and Pandya. Pandya, a known instigator of several bombings and guerilla fighting throughout the British Raj, and his acceptance in Mexico led to the ambassadors of the various countries of the United British Empire be recalled from Mexico City.
Lassiter was also sympathetic to other resistance movements and radical groups in other countries in the UBE. Also during the first year of his administration, he accepted Oliver MacNamara of Erin go Bragh, an Irish nationalist political party that advocated secession from the United Kingdom, Douglas Boswell of the Scottish National Front, a similar party in Scotland, and Alwyn Jones of the Welsh Independence Party, a similar party in Wales, to summits in Mexico City for similar reasons as he did Pandya. He also welcomed indigenous activists from Victoria, Australia, New Zealand, and other countries under Britain's rule.
His anti-imperialism did not end with the British, however. He viewed the CNA as a "nation of mass murderers unaware that they are such." To reinforce this point, he hosted several Native North American tribes to speak against the historical and contemporary crimes against the indigenous population by the Confederation government. The CNA was guilty of the high crime of genocide, they contended, and would take years to lose the stigma of a nation founded on the slaughter of millions.
Lassiter even incensed Kramer Associates with such talk, making an inimical relationship even worse than it had been previously (to his detractors, this was quite an accomplishment). He spoke out in favor of Taiwanese and Filipino nationalist groups that called out Kramer Associates' treatment of the natives of those countries, especially the sweatshop forced labor that caused the deaths of so many Taiwanese and Filipinos each year, slaving away for the production of goods that would enrich Carl Salazar and other highly ranked Kramer executives.
After the detonation of the Mexican atomic bomb at Huddleston Nuclear Research Center in Arizona in 1973, Lassiter announced that "Now, the forces of Liberty and Freedom throughout the world have access to the most powerful weapon of our era. Now, we do not need to cower in fear of the imperialist powers burning our cities to the ground without retaliation. Now, the United States of Mexico, the protector of liberty and democracy worldwide, may defend the poor and downtrodden nations of the world from the powers that want to exploit them," in a speech delivered in Jackson Square in Mexico City. To commemorate the dawn of the proverbial new age hailed by the detonation, Lassiter invited the leaders of the various anti-imperialist groups of the world to the Congress of Oppressed Peoples to be held in Jefferson City, Jefferson, in February of 1973.
His decision to hold the Congress in Jefferson City rather than Mexico City caused a minor controversy. Jefferson was the home of the Anglo oppressors of Mexico, the objectors said, and that their homeland would be inappropriate at best for the meeting of the revolutionaries of the world. Responding, Lassiter contended that Jefferson was the home of those who fled tyranny after the North American Rebellion and refused to allow the 'oligarchy' of the CNA to rule over them. Some were persuaded; others were not.
On February 23rd, 1973, the Congress of Oppressed Peoples met in the Jefferson City Capitol Building, the building where Andrew Jackson, James Monroe, and Josephus Carter, along with the Jefferson Chamber of Representatives, made the fateful decision to unite Jefferson with Mexico in 1819. Delegates from resistance groups, nationalist fronts, and fringe organizations from India, Arabia, France, Russia, Siberia, China, Australia, New Zealand, Native North American tribes, Ireland, Scotland, and Wales met attended the conference to discuss new strategies to combat the forces of imperialism and bigotry.
In is inaugural address to the Congress, Lassiter delivered the now-famous "Deliverance Speech":
"To temper yourself in combatting tyranny is no point of shame, and to compromise with the forces of oppression is no point of pride. Rather, proclaim to the world that the downtrodden and poor shall no longer sit idly by while imperialism rapes their homelands. Tyrants and Emperors of the world, tremble, tremble! For your deliverance shall come some day; it is inevitable."
The Origins of the Indian Rebellion and the Indian Liberation Movement
At the de facto conclusion of the Global War in 1948, India was left a ruined nation, having been utterly devastated by the invasion by the German Empire. Most historians put the deaths in India alone (comprising native Indians, Anglo-Indians, and German soldiers having died during the invasion) at approximately thirty million, about a third of the total dead during the entire war. During the postwar period, Indian leadership under a British-appointed Governor and a popularly elected Prime Minister (a system in place since 1864) was tasked to restore order.
In 1962, over a decade after the war, the Indian Congress for Independence (ICI) was founded in Delhi by the former soldier Shalya Grewal, who, like so many other Indians disillusioned by their homeland's participation in the War, begun to demand complete independence from the United British Empire and an isolationist foreign policy. Since these views were becoming popular nationwide, Grewal became a noted political leader and held considerable influence during the 1960s.
In 1965, India had a parliamentary election, and the ICI began standing candidates for election to Parliament, including Grewal himself for Delhi. The two major parties in India, the Empire Party (composed of conservatives and Anglo-Indians supporting a free trade policy with the UBE and protectionist policies regarding other powers) and the Liberal Unionist Party (supporting a more self-sufficient India with more social welfare programs albeit still desiring to remain within the UBE) was one of muted surprise; neither party was willing to admit the popularity of independence as of the election day. The results of the election resulted in a slight Liberal Unionist plurality at about forty percent of the MPs, with Empire controlling twenty-five percent and the ICI controlling the remainder. As such, the ICI was far from the majority but was definitely a movement on the rise.
On the first day the Indian parliament convened, when the body was greeted by the Governor of India, Travis McMahon, the ICI's MPs refused to stand and applaud him, nor did they sing "God Save the King" during the interlude. Throughout the latter part of the 1960s the ICI would be a thorn in the loyalists' side, obstructing the vote regarding issues of continued integration into the UBE that Empire wanted and the more moderate policies that Liberal Unionist. Grewal was a noted MP during this time, noted for his stubborn refusal to even speak to the Governor.
However, certain voices within the ICI demanded something quicker than mere legislative action. This faction, led by Shamba Pandya, a veteran of the Rape of Jaisalmer (a town in the western parts of India where German forces murdered innocent civilians and looted several houses, resulting in approximately two thousand dead), insisted that the ICI resort to violent methods to further the goals of Indian independence from the UBE. By 1970, this group had split off to form the Indian Liberation Movement (ILM), which began terrorizing Indian civilians in 1972.
Pandya, being a native of Jaisalmer, used the war as a rallying cry to give radicals motivation to begin bombings of civilian centers, marketplaces, and local government buildings. Britain, he believed, had forced India into the war and was directly responsible for the deaths caused by the German forces. Britain owed India a great debt, he held, and that debt would be repaid in the blood of innocent Indians and British.
The Indian Liberation Movement's Actions Outside India
Shamba Pandya, in a speech in March of 1973, decried the "Indian people's foolish belief that we are better off under foreign domination, and that those that oppress us care about what happens in India so long as they get their precious resources." Indeed, he urged the members of his organization to move from merely attacking Indian targets (which had increased in number, leading to more unrest in the country) and should begin bombings, murders, etc. in countries within the United British Empire. Upon hearing this demand from their leader, members of the ILM across the Raj cheered in celebration, often with violent attacks on tourists and foreign diplomats.
Pandya made it very clear that he saw the civilians of these countries as equally guilty as their political and military figures. His reasoning was that since these countries were democracies (to him, a flawed, anarchic system), their people implicitly approved of their government's crimes. He is on the record as saying in a broadcast,
"The ruling to kill the British and their allies — civilians and military — is an individual duty for every Indian who can do it in any country in which it is possible to do it, in order to liberate the homeland from their grip, and in order for their armies to move out of all the lands of Indians, defeated and unable to threaten any Indian."
The first of these foreign attacks was on the Victorian cruise liner Zanzibar while it was docked in the country's main port of Mzizima for mainly British and North American tourists bound for India. Just as the ship was leaving for Mumbai, its ultimate destination and the beginning point of the tour of India, several bombs exploded in the engine area of the ship, causing it to capsize approximately ten miles east of the Victorian coast. Of the eight hundred people on the ship, only fifty survived.
The Victorian government in Rutledge was appalled at this attack, and pleaded to the United British Empire to deploy troops in both Rutledge and Mzizma, as well as the two other major Victorian cities of Mombasa and Enkare Nyrobi to stop such an attack. The United British Parliament (an international organization of the member countries of the UBE, normally meeting in Manchester, the United Kingdom) agreed to such a settlement, and troops from around the Empire came to Victoria to guard both tourists and natives.
Australia was also not spared from the violence. In the Australian capital city of Canberra, a member of the immigrant Indian community (tax records showed that he was sending money made in Australia to family members back in India, a family with connections to the ILM) used an illegally acquired Australian military rifle to shoot twenty Australians dead in front of the Foreign Ministry. Of these, twelve were part of the diplomatic corps and eight were their immediate families, among these two children. International opinion among developed nations condemned this attack, as did the UBE and the CNA. Notably, nothing came from Mexico City.
After these two major attacks in Canberra and Mzizma, the ILM began a series of smaller attacks around the UBE's member nations bordering the Indian Ocean. Bombings and shootings dealt civilian and military casualties of 1,500 by November of 1973, something that understandably caused much distress among the UBE. Both seaports and airports in the major cities of the Empire were given heightened security involving the searching of every carryon bag, random searches of travelers (accompanied by strip-searches if said suspicion was high enough), and routine inspection of airmobiles and ships for bombs, often delaying travelers by at least one hour from the established departure time.
These reforms to the travel system within the UBE were severely criticized by privacy activists in Britain, Australia, Victoria, and India, saying that the process promoted undue skepticism of British and Empire citizens. Notably, travelers of Indian appearance were subject to additional scrutiny, leading to complaints of racial profiling. The person who spearheaded the reforms, Eustace Crawford, Minister of Transportation of the United Kingdom, had the following to say on the matter:
"The overwhelming majority of the perpetrators of these attacks are of Indian extraction. It is not due to prejudice we are forced to put them under more intensive scrutiny; it is common sense."
On November 18th, 1973, an airmobile leaving from Birmingham, United Kingdom en route to Karachi, India, was beginning to undergo routine inspection pre-takeoff. However, the passengers of the airmobile, reflecting the common beliefs of the time regarding regulation, openly refused to allow the inspectors (working under the auspices of the British Armed Forces) to enter the airmobile, forced the door shut, and demanded the pilot take off to Karachi. The pilot, sharing their sentiments, obliged.
Over the English Channel, thirty minutes after the flight left, the airmobile exploded. The cause, as determined by Royal Navy ships investigating the wreck, was of an improvised explosive device. Flight records indicated that an Indian passenger with ties to the ILM was onboard and most likely detonated said explosive onboard. This incident shed doubts about the competency of airport security (apparently, the security in Birmingham had not detected the bomb) and on the anti-security movement (their ideals, after all, allowed this bombing to happen, leading to 252 deaths). None survived.
This incident (dubbed Flight 86, after the flight number) is notable as the first attack to happen within the territory of the United Kingdom proper, and not in one of its former colonies within the UBE. Mass paranoia ensued nationwide, with government offices in London, Edinburgh, Cardiff, Belfast, and Dublin put under high security. However, this security was not enough for the ensuing attack, the one that would shock the very core of the UBE.
On December 2, 1973, the House of Lords was in session in London in the Palace of Westminster debating some minor litter law when a locomobile crashed through the guards of the palace and into the House Chamber, in which, upon entering, promptly exploded, killing the majority of Lords present (fortunately for the British, only about half the House was present at the time). It is assumed that the perpetrator of this attack meant to crash into the House of Commons, where Prime Minister Gordon Perrow was addressing the house on matters of national security. He, among with the entirety of Commons, survived.
In addition to the damage to morale that the destruction of a good portion of a national monument, the United Kingdom and the UBE finally had to grapple with a question that before had been considered manageable: what would they do with the trifle amount of military forces each nation had? During the years after the Global War, the people of these nations had consistently voted for candidates who supported demilitarization, a similar phenomenon seen in Germany and its puppet states. As many UBE detachments were sent back to their homelands after they were attacked, no country had enough military to appear a significant threat to the ILM. One solution began to be considered, once thought of a ceremony never to be used: direct military aid from the CNA.
After the UBE announced that they would consider this, Shamba Pandya, in a radio broadcast, announced that the CNA was a viable target for attacks:
"The Confederation of North America, while not directly supporting their imperialist cousins, has, through its apathy, marked itself as an enabler. To quote the works of one of the West's most distinguished authors, 'the hottest places in hell are reserved for those who, in times of great moral crisis, retain their neutrality.' The CNA shall soon know the full meaning of that quote."
The People's Coalition, 1967-1973, and the resignation of Carter Monaghan
After the Governorship of Liberal Richard Mason, the People's Coalition had found itself the dominant party of the Confederation of North America with the elections of 1963. The Party had marked itself as the party of the working man and the party of North American independence, as opposed to what they saw as the weakness of Mason and the Liberal Party. Under Perry Jay and his successor Carter Monaghan, the CNA militarized, preparing for a war the Coalition's leaders thought inevitable. Most likely, this war would be with the United States of Mexico.
1968, the year Carter Monaghan won election in his own right, is considered, in retrospect, a major year in the history of the People's Coalition. It was this year when Theodore Worden was elected to the Grand Council representing his home city of Atlanta, Georgia. Worden, known as the father of the New Moral Imperative philosophy, was a radical, appealing to several aspects of the Coalition in particular, and had a small following among Liberals disillusioned with the pro-Mason portions of the party, some of which formed the Peace and Justice Party.
The People's Coalition won 80 seats of the Grand Council; of these, 27 were Imperativists, as Worden's follower's were called. Most of these MPs were young, passionate statesmen that utterly despised Mason and his policies. As such, these hawkish young delegates were the antithesis to the pacifistic Peace and Justice Party, a contrast that would often to lead to virulent, entertaining, and often hostile debate between them; their accession to the Grand Council led to a massive spike of viewings of the Burgoyne Policy Network, the official vitavision channel of the CNA government.
In 1971, the year of the uncovering of the Michigan City Spy Ring, the People's Coalition unilaterally backed the recalling of the CNA ambassador to Mexico City and the complete severance of diplomatic relations between the two governments. Likewise, they were appalled by Mexican President John Paul Lassiter's acceptance of Shamba Pandya, leader of the ILM, for a state visit, and urged the members of the United British Empire to also recall their ambassadorial staff. However, there was some dispute within the party on how to deal with Lassiter. More orthodox members of the Coalition should allow him additional leeway (he was more inclined towards peace than Mercator; however, this does not mean he was a pacifist by any means). The Imperativists, however, saw him as just another Mercator, and his independent candidacy was a sham.
Theodore Worden had this to say about Lassiter:
"The Mexican elections of 1971 show the absolute sham that is Mexican democracy. There was only one party and one independent, and that independent was of that one party before splitting. Mercator, despite his retirement, is still in charge of Mexico. It is our nation's right, nay, responsibility to liberate the Mexicanos, Negroes, and Indians in Mexico from the grasp of the alliance of Anglos and Hispanos that dominate them."
Despite the recall of ambassadors, there was still a brisk trade between the two nations, such as between the Southern Confederation and Jefferson and between Manitoba and Arizona and Alaska, mainly in foodstuffs and manufactured goods. This came to a grinding halt with the signing of the Greater American Free Trade Agreement in 1972 between the United States of Mexico and several countries in the Americas. This would also serve to further divide the two parts of the People's Coalition.
The "Establishment Coalition," as it was dubbed, cognizant of the problems this would cause, began campaigning for a settlement with the Lassiter administration to end the GAFTA embargo on the CNA. Grand Council Majority Leader Thurgood Chamness was a proponent of this plan, as were several other Establishment Coalition members. However, this was not popular with all non-Imperativist Coalition members, and fifteen Coalition members declared themselves Imperativists to oppose the bill.
Indeed, the Imperativists were incensed by this possibility. Worden and his supporters on the Council virulently opposed any outreach to what they viewed as a illegitimate government, and supported increased trade to the United British Empire and Japan, who they saw as the CNA's rightful allies. This would be the first issue in which the gradual rivalry between the Imperativists and the Establishment Coalition would become a major part of CNA politics.
When Lassiter held the Congress of Oppressed Peoples in Jefferson City, Jefferson, the CNA general population was appalled by the attendance of representatives of the Native North American Liberation League (NNALL), an extremist faction of Native North Americans who, frustrated with life on reservations, demanded increased compensation from the Confederation government in Burgoyne, often disrupting daily life in protests (e.g. barricading streets), often making national news. The NNALL was widely considered a fringe group and not sanctioned by most Native North American tribes, and its inclusion in the Congress was jarring to most North Americans.
The Establishment Coalition, for the most part, turned a blind eye to the NNALL's participation, but the Imperativists issued a firm denunciation. In particular, the NNALL's criticism of Ezra Gallivan, the first Coalition Governor-General, angered Worden and his followers. The details of Gallivan's policies towards Native North Americans do not need to be discussed in this entry. However, it can be said that, as popular as they were with whites and negroes, they were far from popular with the natives, who felt his Creative Nationalism did not apply to them (an accusation not without a base).
On June 7th, 1973, Governor General Carter Monaghan fell on a staircase in the Governor-General's official home in Burgoyne, breaking a leg and giving him a severe concussion. The CNA general population was shocked at this occurrence, and Monaghan was rushed to intensive care in Burgoyne General Hospital. Monaghan survived this injury, but it did have serious political consequences.
After being deemed fit for office on July 15th, Monaghan announced that he would resign from the office of Governor-General on August 1st, only a month before the 1973 Grand Council Elections. After that, Council President Maynard Thacker, an Establishment Coalitionist, would take office as Governor-General and presumably run for election.
Thacker, the Establishment Coalitionist that he was, was opposed to the radicalness of the Imperativists, and refused to consider any of them for inclusion in his new cabinet, as he said in a vitavision press conference on July 17th. He said:
"The radicals of my party are not representative of the whole of my party, so there is no reason whatsoever to include them in the highest echelons of government. I would not include a Liberal or a Peace and Justice member; so therefore I would not include an Imperativist either."
Worden was incensed by this snub by the government, just as he was angry when Thacker was appointed in the first place by Monaghan in 1968. As protest, Worden and his followers would boycott the assembly meeting where Thacker would be inaugurated on August 2nd. This decision to not attend would change the course of CNA history, for better or worse.
Native North Americans in the CNA: a Brief History
The plight of the various Native North American tribes after the quelling of the North American Rebellion is a chapter in CNA history that most historians neglect, either due to the CNA's longstanding racism against Native North Americans or due to simple apathy. The common charge by several historians, among them Stanley Tulin and Robert Sobel, is that they are not a descendant of the colonists of North America and as such should not be considered in the same text unless the interaction of the two societies is an issue. This very text is guilty of that assumption to a point; interaction between the two cultures was very similar to the times of the period of contact between the Old and New Worlds until the Indian Wars of the early 19th Century.
After Chief Tecumseh of the Shawnee began his insurrection in 1803, popular opinion among the whites of the CNA shifted to a radical plan of either extermination or relocation, the latter of which was often the official policy of Burgoyne, but the former was often the policy of independent raiding bands. In 1814, after Tecumseh's army was routed from Burgoyne and chased back into the wilderness of Indiana, population of the extermination route was at its all time high.
The 'extermination' route was championed by Governor-General of Indiana at the time, Peter Orsinger, who, in a speech in Michigan City in 1816, called for "the complete removal of these savages from our lands. If they leave voluntarily westward, then it may be so permitted. If they stubbornly refuse to leave, they are to be slaughtered." It was, to the cosmopolitan cultural elite of Michigan City, shocking (albeit considerably less so to the ambitious landowners of Indiana). Upon asked whether every one, women and children included, should die, he responded:
"Damn any man who sympathizes with Indians, those who ransacked our home, burned our fields, and killed our sons, brothers, fathers, and husbands. Kill and scalp all, big and little; nits make lice."
It was in this spirit that the settlement of western Indiana and Vandalia was commenced, but most settlers (the ambitious ones, mainly) did not bother with Orsinger's recommendations that settlers should make an offer for the Native tribes to move; more often, villages were met with musket fire. Through this deliberate campaign of organized murder, several hundred thousand Native Indianans lost their lives. Similar occurrences were common in Quebec, Manitoba, and the Northern and Southern Confederations, albeit not to the scale of Indiana.
In the Southern Confederation, the Cherokee, Chickasaw, Choctaw, Creek, and Seminole tribes were hailed by the moniker of the "five civilized tribes," as they were quick to adopt European methods of conduct and technology. Nevertheless, by the time of the manumission of slavery in the 1820s, a massive demand for land was created in the Southern Confederation, mainly for former slaves and immigrants. With the consultation of the reservation governments of the Five Civilized Tribes, half of their population would be relocated to the Broken Arrow region of Vandalia.
This migration, known as the "Trail of Tears," was without any aid from the CNA government other than basic navigation. It was a harsh trek, with the members of those tribes, as well as those remaining in the rest of the CNA, forced to endure the wrath of nature with minimal food or shelter. Of the several thousands that were sent, only approximately between an eighth and a quarter survived. The Broken Arrow region of Vandalia gained its name from the Native North American weaponry that was destroyed by CNA authorities upon entering Vandalia. To this day, the region is still mainly Native North American.
During the Rocky Mountain War with the United States of Mexico in the 1840s, several hundred Native North Americans fled from the Broken Arrow region to Mexico to fight for the USM against the CNA as a show of contempt of the nation that stole their lands and left them for dead. Indeed, the Native troops that fought under the Mexican banner were among the best troops that Hermion had, and remained in the country after the war, settling in various areas of Mexico del Norte and Arizona.
For the next few decades, a grudging coexistence was maintained between the CNA and the Native North Americans, about half of which lived in the Broken Arrow Region of Vandalia and the rest lived in reservations in the eastern and northern portions of the CNA. However, in 1869, the People's Coalition was founded in Norfolk, Virginia, Southern Confederation by the passing of the Norfolk Resolves. The Southern Confederation was a growing confederation, and needed more land to grow the crops for which it was known the world over. To remedy this problem, the following section was added to the Resolves:
"In the name of a more bountiful Confederation, our nation should expel the Native tribes from the reservations which we have so benevolently given to them, as it was capable of us to do so. However, now is different from then. Our nation has grown and can no longer have the luxury of allowing primitive tribes their lands when we, a burgeoning, expanding civilization, need it to feed our own. This selfishness is of the same variety as both the Conservatives and the Liberals promulgate."
Until the election of Ezra Gallivan in 1888, their ideas regarding the Native North Americans held little weight in the government. Gallivan, as a promise of his Creative Nationalism, guaranteed that he would look into the measure, although he did not do so until his second term in office. Here, as promised, he announced his new policy of "Gradual Relocation," a shorthand form of the Mockler Gradual Indian Relocation Act, in which the CNA military would ensure that Native North Americans still living in the Eastern states of the CNA would be relocated to the Broken Arrow region within fifty years' time.
Such a system was based on current population and growth rate. Every year, a tribe would have to send a certain amount of its people to the Broken Arrow region, ostensibly with the protection of the military. Relocation would take place via railroad. However, the promised protection was often nonexistent, replaced with brutality on the part of CNA soldiers. On these trains, at stations, at stops, and in the Broken Arrow region, abuse was common. From 1888 to 1938, there were 542 deaths among Native North Americans based on military brutality (these actions were only occasionally punished). Theft, harassment, and rape of Native North Americans was epidemic during those years. It is important to note that the famed entrepreneur Owen Galloway approved of such actions, seeing it in the spirit of consensual separation that he espoused (the amount of 'consent,' if any, is still vigorously debated among historians).
During the Global War, the vast majority of Native North Americans were living in the Broken Arrow region. Disease, mostly of the Old World varieties, was rampant, and health care sparse. Neglect was at an all-time high, with several deaths occurring each month due to disease alone (this does not take into account the high rates of alcoholism among the reservation population). Even then, the worst of the century had not happened.
It was known for several years before the Global War that the Broken Arrow region was rich in the resources needed to manufacture vulcazine, but as a gesture of goodwill it was not exploited. This changed during the Global War when the CNA began exporting massive amounts of supplies to Iceland to give to the United British Empire. In 1942, CNA prospectors forcibly moved into the region, relocated several Native families at gunpoint, and began extracting oil. Several Natives banded together to stop this, leading to protests, one of which turned violent. This protest, later dubbed the Broken Arrow Insurrection, led to the deaths of fifteen CNA prospectors and twenty Native townspeople.
This exploitation continued into the War without War period, in which uranium mines were added to the mix of exploitation. Even in the 1970s, the CNA was at most ambivalent, and the stereotype of the savage that marauded Indiana in the 1800s was prevalent. A Burgoyne Times poll taken in 1972 revealed that 40% of the population believed that some debt was owed to the Native North Americans, 30% agreed with previous governments' policies, and the remaining 30% was apathetic.
The Inauguration of Maynard Thacker
On August 2nd, 1973, the streets of Burgoyne were filled with the common trappings of a Governor-General's inauguration, such as the flag of the CNA draped on every lamp-post, and especially large ones on Council Hill, the site of the Grand Council Building, where the Grand Council of the CNA met. The city, nay, the nation was ready for a grand celebration.
Maynard Thacker, Council President of the CNA before Carter Monaghan's resignation, was a councilman from Lancaster, Manitoba, who was previously the Governor of Manitoba. Thacker was a longstanding member of the People's Coalition, who had worked with the party in some way since the Hogg days, and served for a brief time as a secretary to James Billington before returning home to North City to run for the state assembly. Thacker was popular for his economic policy in Manitoba and was expecting to be nominated for the People's Coalition candidate for Governor-General in the upcoming General Elections.
The majority of the Grand Council would be attending the inauguration, be they Coalition, Liberal, or Peace and Justice. Thacker, a noted moderate, was popular with the Establishment Coalition and certain Liberals, but still derided by the Peace and Justice Party. However, as promised beforehand, Theodore Worden and the 26 Imperativists in the Grand Council would boycott the inauguration, to protest Thacker's refusal to include any Imperativists in his cabinet.
Instead, the Imperativists would watch the inauguration in Worden's business residence on the outskirts of Burgoyne on the official CNA government channel. The 27 men were prepared to deliver a rebuttal of Thacker's inauguration speech after the spectacle had ceased, and were discussing what exactly to say when the press arrived.
At 1:30 in the afternoon, the processional began. The official ceremonial band of the CNA army played "God Save the King" and "The Call of Saratoga," the royal anthem and national anthem, respectively. The entire Grand Council minus the Imperativists were sitting in the Grand Council Building's Council Chamber where formal debate occurred during normal times, and the guest rafters above them were packed to the brim with civilian spectators. At the front of the hall, Thacker stood ready to give his speech, the flags of the CNA and of the six confederations drooped from the balcony.
Thacker began his speech, consisting of the expected nationalistic cheer, the remembrance of Burgoyne, of Scott, of MacDowell and of Gallivan that so often marked inauguration days. He outlined his plan to open up dialogue with his opposite number in Mexico City to resolve the current crisis regarding the economy and spying. Thacker promised a continued peace. Thacker promised hope.
Then the world to the CNA, previously isolationist and neutral, changed, and for the worse.
While the majority of the Grand Council and the public were enthralled in the spectacle, few had noticed the freightmobile (a locomobile designed to carry freight, often employed to carry goods across the national highway system) that had been speeding through the streets to the Grand Council Building. This freightmobile's hold was chained up, suggesting that it was filled to the brim with something.
The driver of the freightmobile, Apu Acharya, was an Indian immigrant with ties to the Indian Liberation Movement.
This freightmobile shocked the entire country by ramming into the walls of the Council Chamber where the inauguration was being held, ripping through concrete and glass. As soon as it made its way to the middle of the chamber where the Grand Council was seated, it exploded violently, revealing its cargo to be full with explosives. The blast from the explosion demolished the chamber, killing Thacker, the Grand Council, and every civilian inside. The total death toll was 1,567.
Emergency response teams made their way to the first political assassination in CNA history. The country was not used to the political violence that plagued Mexico and Europe. This was, as noted historian Miles O'Grady would say, the CNA's Baptism of Fire. Soon, the truth became apparent, a truth that was utterly despised by members of the Peace and Justice Party and other peace-inclined persons and institutions: the Imperativists that had boycotted the inauguration were the only survivors of the Grand Council remaining alive.
The press, previously scrambling to gain coverage of the Council Hill bombing, quickly began flocking to Worden's business residence. There, the Imperativists had realized their position as the remaining legislative authority within the Confederation of North America.
During a hasty press conference, the Imperativists announced that they had voted to elect Theodore Worden, the ideological father of the New Moral Imperative movement, as the new Governor General, and that the elections of 1973 would be suspended until a later date after the country rebuilt itself. The newly inaugurated Worden said to the press,
"It is with a heavy heart I assume the mantle of Governor-General. However, the times dictated that a leader was necessary, and the remnants of the legitimate legislature chose myself as said leader. Since it is now my duty to do so, I am assuming emergency powers, with the consent of the Grand Council, to combat this threat and exact revenge on whoever dares to wage war on the Confederation of North America."